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Community Calendar — September 11, 2026

Dancers from Tradición Peruana Cultural Center will perform at Santa Cruz’s Hispanic Heritage Month Festival on Sept. 19. Bailarinas de Tradición Peruana Cultural Center se presentarán en el Festival del Mes de la Herencia Hispana de Santa Cruz el 19 de septiembre.

by the El Reportero staff

September brings music, film, community activities and cultural celebrations throughout the Bay Area. From Latin jazz in Vallejo and a former Santana vocalist to veteran musicians taking center stage, the coming days offer a lively mix of entertainment and community events.

Julie Brand at Vallejo Art Walk

Latin jazz, salsa and boleros downtown

Julie Brand brings Latin jazz, salsa, boleros and timeless classics to the Vallejo Art Walk, accompanied by Carlos Ramirez, Jose Soto, Agosto Sandoval and Rafael Ramirez.

Friday, Sept. 11, 6–8 p.m., Downtown Vallejo. Free.

Sugarcane screens in Berkeley

Oscar-nominated documentary highlights Native voices

The Native Voices Film Series presents Sugarcane, the Oscar-nominated documentary examining the legacy of abuse and deaths at a Canadian Indian residential school. Co-director Julian Brave NoiseCat (Secwepemc) will attend the screening and participate in a conversation following the film.

Wednesday, Sept. 16, 7–10 p.m., David Brower Center, 2150 Allston Way, Berkeley.

Tony Lindsay takes two Bay Area stages

Former Santana vocalist performs in Berkeley and Larkspur

Tony Lindsay, Santana’s longest-tenured lea calendar_eng_9.11.26d singer, performs twice this week. He joins Nona Brown and Bryan S Dyer for Electric Blues & Classic Grooves at The Freight, followed by an appearance with The Ray Charles Project at Lark Theater.

Thursday, Sept. 17, 8 p.m., The Freight, 2020 Addison St., Berkeley. Saturday, Sept. 19, 7:30 p.m., Lark Theater, 549 Magnolia Ave., Larkspur; doors open 6:30 p.m.

The Bill Ortiz Group

Veteran trumpeter begins a new musical chapter

Bay Area veteran trumpeter Bill Ortiz celebrates a new chapter leading his own band. The free concert features Howard Wiley, Ken Cook, Gary Brown, Leon Joyce Jr., John Santos and vocalist Zoe Ellis.

Friday, Sept. 18, 4:30 p.m., Music Concourse, Golden Gate Park, San Francisco. Free.

Danilo y Orq. Universal bring an evening of salsa and dancing to ¡Baila! in Berkeley on Sept. 18.

Danilo y Orq. Universal at ¡Baila!

Salsa takes over Berkeley

Danilo y Orq. Universal headline ¡Baila!, joined by DJ Ron, DJ José Ruíz and In Lak’ech Dance Academy for an evening of music and dancing.

Friday, Sept. 18, 8 p.m.–1 a.m., 3105 Shattuck Ave., Berkeley. $25 advance; $30 at the door.

Hispanic Heritage Month Festival

Peruvian traditions celebrated in Santa Cruz

Tradición Peruana Cultural Center performs during Santa Cruz’s Hispanic Heritage Month Festival, part of an afternoon celebrating Hispanic culture and community.

Saturday, Sept. 19, noon–6 p.m., 119 Madrone St., Santa Cruz. Tradición Peruana performs 2:30–3 p.m.

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Beyond the breakfast plate: The surprising array of foods that out-protein the humble egg

by Ava Grace

In an era of fitness trackers and macro-counting, the quest for adequate protein dominates dietary conversations. For decades, the egg has reigned as a gold standard of convenient, affordable nutrition. But many other foods provide considerably more protein per serving, underscoring the value of a varied, balanced diet.

The gold standard, reconsidered

The egg’s reputation is rooted in its biological completeness. It contains all nine essential amino acids and provides highly bioavailable protein. Yet modern nutritional science emphasizes that focusing too heavily on any single food can overlook the benefits offered by other protein sources, each with its own combination of vitamins, minerals, fats and fiber.

Several animal foods easily outpace an egg in total protein. A modest three-ounce serving of cooked chicken breast delivers nearly 24 grams of protein, compared with about six grams in a large egg. Lean beef and cooked shrimp provide approximately 23 and 25 grams, respectively. Fatty fish such as salmon offers about 17 grams of protein along with beneficial omega-3 fatty acids.

However, protein quantity alone does not determine a food’s nutritional value. Digestion, amino-acid composition, accompanying nutrients and an individual’s overall diet also matter.

Plant and dairy alternatives

Meat is hardly the only alternative. Edamame, or immature soybeans, delivers more than 18 grams of complete protein per cooked cup. Lentils provide nearly 18 grams per cooked cup, along with substantial dietary fiber, minerals and other beneficial nutrients.

Dairy products are also strong contenders. A half-cup of low-fat cottage cheese contains roughly 13 grams of protein, while Greek yogurt can provide a similar amount depending on the product and serving size.

These choices demonstrate why dietary variety can be more valuable than simply seeking the food with the highest protein number. Plant proteins, for example, can contribute fiber that animal foods naturally lack, while fish can provide beneficial fatty acids.

The nuance of nutritional value

The protein debate often focuses excessively on quantity while neglecting the complete nutritional package. Twenty-five grams of protein consumed as part of a meal containing eggs, whole grains and vegetables is nutritionally different from the same amount obtained through a highly processed product.

Protein intake can also be important in discussions of kidney health. The kidneys help remove waste products generated during protein metabolism. People with impaired kidney function may need to carefully manage both the amount and sources of protein they consume. Individual requirements vary, however, and those with kidney disease or other medical conditions should seek professional medical or nutritional guidance before making major dietary changes.

Moving beyond monotony

Protein is essential for building and repairing tissues and plays important roles throughout the body. But concentrating excessively on protein can crowd out vegetables, whole grains, fruits and other foods that provide fiber and micronutrients.

“Protein is essential for muscle repair and growth and for maintaining healthy hair, skin and nails,” said BrightU.AI’s Enoch. “Consuming it regularly helps stabilize blood sugar levels and reduces cravings for sugary foods. It also provides sustained energy throughout the day, supporting overall wellness.”

Ultimately, recognizing that many foods rival or surpass the egg in protein content is not an indictment of eggs. Eggs remain an affordable and nutritionally valuable source of complete protein.

The larger lesson is diversification. Combining eggs with lean poultry, fish, legumes, soy foods and dairy products can provide ample protein while supplying a broader spectrum of nutrients. Instead of searching for one perfect protein source, a varied diet can offer the nutritional balance needed to support long-term health and overall well-being. Food.news.

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Trump’s $5,000 promise: Is a campaign promise legally enforceable?

by the El Reportero staff

President Donald Trump has put a striking proposition before American voters: If Republicans retain control of both chambers of Congress in the November midterm elections, American adults could receive a $5,000 “dividend.”

The proposal immediately raises two separate questions. Can the government actually finance payments of that magnitude? And if Republicans win Congress, is Trump legally obligated to deliver the money?

The second question has a relatively straightforward answer: generally, no. A campaign promise is normally not an enforceable contract between a politician and individual voters.

Contracts require legal elements such as offer, acceptance and consideration, as well as an intention to create a binding obligation. Political promises — whether involving taxes, Social Security, health care or government payments — generally do not create personal contracts with voters.

Therefore, someone who votes Republican after hearing Trump’s $5,000 proposal ordinarily could not sue Trump personally for $5,000 if the payments never materialize.

But that doesn’t mean the proposal should be dismissed.

Trump announced the dividend at the GOP’s midterm convention and tied it to Republicans maintaining control of the House and Senate. The proposal would reportedly distribute approximately $1.2 trillion among roughly 270 million American adults.

The administration also argues that the money would not necessarily come from taxpayers or additional deficit spending.

Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has said the government could generate the money Trump wants to distribute. Among the potential sources he cited is the proposed Trump Platinum Card, an immigration initiative under which applicants would pay substantial fees and contributions to the U.S. government.

Lutnick has said more than 100,000 people are interested in the program and argued that it could generate hundreds of billions of dollars. He also pointed to gains associated with the federal government’s investment in Intel as another potential source of revenue.

White House National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett has separately suggested that funding for the dividend could emerge through a congressional reconciliation package.

Those arguments are important because they provide the administration’s explanation of how Trump believes the promise could be fulfilled. Whether those projected revenues would actually produce enough money to finance approximately $1.2 trillion in payments is another question.

And skepticism is not confined to Democrats.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican, has criticized the proposal because of the nation’s growing debt. DeSantis warned against borrowing another trillion-plus dollars and injecting it into the economy, arguing that doing so could generate additional inflation.

The disagreement illustrates why the financing question and the legal question should not be confused.

Even if the administration identifies sufficient revenue, a president does not possess unlimited authority to take federal money and distribute it to Americans. Congress controls federal appropriations, meaning lawmakers would play an essential role in authorizing a program of this magnitude.

There is another question because Trump explicitly connected the payments to Republican victory: Is that buying votes?

Federal law prohibits paying or offering payment to an individual in exchange for voting. “Vote for me and I will personally give you $100” would present a dramatically different legal situation.

A general campaign proposal for a government benefit, however, has traditionally been treated differently. Democrats and Republicans routinely campaign on tax cuts, credits, subsidies and government programs that could financially benefit voters.

The Supreme Court addressed an important aspect of this distinction in Brown v. Hartlage in 1982, emphasizing constitutional protection for political campaign speech. Promising a government policy that financially benefits voters is not automatically equivalent to purchasing individual votes.

Trump is also hardly the first president to promise something he cannot accomplish without Congress. Presidents routinely campaign on legislation that ultimately requires lawmakers’ approval.

That is why journalism should apply the same standard regardless of who occupies the White House.

The press should neither dismiss Trump’s $5,000 proposal simply because it comes from Trump nor tell Americans that $5,000 checks are guaranteed. The administration’s financing argument deserves to be reported, and so do the legal, congressional and economic obstacles.

Ultimately, voters can judge the promise themselves.

A campaign promise may not be an enforceable contract. But politicians of every party should expect their words to be remembered and compared with what they eventually deliver.

That isn’t partisan politics.

It is accountability.

 

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Community Calendar

by the El Reportero staff

September opens with music, family activities and cultural celebrations across the Bay Area. From salsa on San Francisco’s waterfront to young performers supporting childhood cancer research and a traditional Oktoberfest on the Peninsula, residents have plenty of opportunities to enjoy the region’s diverse communities.

Orquesta Borinquen lleva su salsa dura a The Ramp. Orquesta Borinquen brings salsa dura to The Ramp

Orquesta Borinquen at The Ramp

Salsa dura fills the San Francisco waterfront

Orquesta Borinquen brings Puerto Rican-flavored salsa dura to The Ramp for an afternoon and evening of live music and dancing. DJ Antonio and DJ EMC will also keep the music going at the popular waterfront gathering place.

Saturday, Sept. 5, 4–10 p.m., The Ramp, 855 Terry A. Francois Blvd., San Francisco. Cover: $20. Food and drinks available.

Bye Bye Kids Cancer Talent Show

Young performers unite for childhood cancer research

Children from throughout the Bay Area take the stage for the 12th Annual Bye Bye Kids Cancer Talent Show. The free family event raises funds for childhood cancer research at Lucile Packard Children’s Hospital Stanford. Created in 2015 by a five-year-old child, the program is now celebrating its 12th year.

Saturday, Sept. 12, 1–3 p.m., Valencia Park at Santana Row, San José. Free admission. Information: ByeByeKidsCancer.org.

Gran Festival Salvadoreño

Salvadoran traditions celebrated in San José

Caravana de la Bahía, presented by Edgar Ortiz, hosts an afternoon and evening of Salvadoran music, food and family entertainment. Orquesta San Vicente headlines, joined by Roberto Salamanca and Cocolito. A children’s area and mechanical bull are also planned.

Sunday, Sept. 13, 1–8 p.m., MetaSpace, 2323 McKee Road, San José. Children under 12 free.

Oktoberfest Downtown Redwood City

German traditions return to the Peninsula

Redwood City’s annual Oktoberfest transforms Courthouse Square with German music, dancing, food and traditional festivities. Performers during the multi-day celebration include The Internationals, Golden Gate Bavarian Club, Deutscher Musikverein, Alpine Sound Band and Nature Friends Schuhplattler.

Sept. 18–27, Courthouse Square, 2200 Broadway, Redwood City. No event Sept. 21. Ticket prices vary by date and time.

El Flamenco de Jerez

Andalusian artists bring flamenco to Northern California

Dancers Macarena de Jerez and Carmen Herrera join vocalist José Mijita, guitarist Ismael Heredia and percussionist Manuel Vinaza for a celebration of the flamenco traditions of Jerez and Andalusia.

Friday, Sept. 25, 7 p.m., Sacramento; Saturday, Sept. 26, 7 p.m., Mountain View.

 

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Despite a Q2 dip, first-semester foreign direct investment was Mexico’s highest ever

Manufacturing was the main recipient of first-semester Foreign Direct Investment, accounting for 38.6% of the record-breaking total of US $34.968 billion. : La industria manufacturera fue la principal receptora de Inversión Extranjera Directa durante el primer semestre, al concentrar el 38.6 por ciento del total récord de US$34,968 millones. (Cuartoscuro)

by El the El Reportero wire services

Mexico attracted US $34.968 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI) between January and June 2026, marking the highest amount ever recorded for a first semester, the Economy Ministry (SE) reported.

The figure represents a 2.1 percent year-on-year increase compared to the same period last year and confirms Mexico’s continued appeal as a destination for established international companies.

Going back further, foreign investment practically doubled, with an accumulated growth of 89.7 percent, compared to the first half of 2021, when Mexico attracted US$18.433 billion,

The 2026 advance lost momentum, however, during the second quarter, when revenues reached $10.464 billion, 3.5 percent less than the $10.848 billion originally recorded during the same period in 2025.

The SE attributed the contraction to last year’s high base of comparison and indicated that it does not represent a change in trend. Despite the year-on-year decline, the result for the second quarter of 2026 was the second highest in the last 16 years.

Who received the foreign investment?

The manufacturing industry was the primary recipient of the arriving resources, receiving $13.482 billion, equivalent to 38.6 percent of total FDI. The figure represents a 9.3 percent year-over-year increase for manufacturing.

Financial and insurance services ranked second, with $10.15 billion, followed by the transportation, postal, and warehousing sectors, which registered the strongest growth, attracting $2.65 billion.

Mexico City came in as the top destination for foreign investment, receiving $16.862 billion, or 48.2 percent of the national total. It was followed by Nuevo León, with $3.712 billion; México state, with $2.114 billion; Baja California, with $1.743 billion; and Jalisco, with $1.406 billion.

Together, these five states accounted for 73.9 percent of all FDI received during the first half of the year.

Where did the first semester FDI come from?

In the first half of 2026, the United States remained the leading source of FDI in Mexico, with a flow of $16.871 billion, equivalent to 48.2 percent of the total.

Spain ranked second with $4.954 billion, followed by Canada ($1.741 billion), Australia ($1.698 billion) and Germany ($1.647 billion).

According to the SE, the positive FDI numbers are attributed to the country’s macroeconomic and institutional fundamentals and the guidelines of Plan México, the government’s flagship economic and policy strategy.

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Meta to pay $17 billion  — and limit ‘likes’ for teens — in social media settlement with states

Meta pagará 17.000 millones de dólares —y limitará los “me gusta” para los adolescentes— en un acuerdo con los estados sobre su gestión en las redes sociales. Meta to pay $17 billion — and limit ‘likes’ for teens — in social media settlement with states.

California will get over $2 billion from Meta as part of a proposed settlement in a 47-state social media addiction case. The trial kicked off just last week in a federal court in Oakland

by Colin Lecher

Meta agreed to pay up to $17 billion and to make changes to its platforms to end a major case on children and social media addiction.

California will receive up to $2.1 billion if the settlement is approved by a judge, according to a statement from the Attorney General Rob Bonta. Meta will agree to a payment of more than $12 billion, with an increase up to the $17 billion over 10 years if other social media companies settle related claims, the New York Times reported.

A group of 47 states led by the attorneys general of California, Colorado, Kentucky, and New Jersey accused Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, of engineering its products to be addictive to children.

Despite knowing the products could damage kids’ mental health, the attorneys general said, Meta continued to promote them, even as its own research showed harms. The case has been compared to past litigation against Big Tobacco, and was seen as a major test of similar litigation tech companies face around the United States.

“Today, we have secured a settlement with Meta that will make social media less dangerous for our kids and make a world of a difference for children and their families,” Bonta said in the statement.

A Meta spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Opening statements in the suit started just last week in an Oakland federal court, with a weekslong trial anticipated. The case was among the largest in a series of bellwether cases testing claims that major tech companies deliberately marketed products to children, even as those products damaged their mental health.

Earlier this year, Meta and Google were found liable by a Los Angeles jury in a suit that tested similar claims. Meta lost another, similar suit in New Mexico this year as well. But today’s settlement eclipses any legal challenge so far.

Lexi Hazam and Previn Warren, attorneys who have represented families and school districts in other litigation against tech companies, praised the ruling in a statement, calling it “a major step toward holding Meta accountable for the harm its platforms have caused young people.”

Meta continues to face claims from parents and school districts around the country. Google, Snap, and TikTok are among the companies facing similar suits.

“We will not rest until every one of these plaintiffs sees justice for the harms caused by all of the defendants’ platforms,” Hazam and Warren said.

Under the terms of the deal, which still must be approved by a judge, Meta will change how it operates its platforms. The changes would include:

  • A daily time limit of two hours for users under 18, or one hour if other social media platforms also agree to limits
  • No displaying likes or reactions to users under 18
  • The company stops sending notifications to underage users overnight or during typical school hours
  • A new mechanism for teens to report harmful content
  • Meta responds to 90 percent of harmful content reports within six hours

Meta will also broadly review and improve safety protections for teens.

“Meta has agreed to make massive transformations that will reduce the risk of harm from its platforms — and will do it within months,” Bonta said in his office’s statement. “We are talking about time limits, stopping notifications during school, a block on the app during critical overnight hours, bans on plastic surgery filters, and so much more.”

Meta will earmark some of the settlement money to address mental health harms to kids, while the California Legislature and governor will decide how to spend a portion.

Along with challenging companies through litigation, California has passed several bills to regulate how children interact with social media. That legislation includes some similar design changes created by the proposed settlement, like limiting notifications during school hours.

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Dolly Parton remembered for giving voice to forgotten Mexican farmworkers

Dolly Parton dio voz a 28 trabajadores mexicanos fallecidos en un accidente aéreo de 1948. Dolly Parton gave voice to 28 Mexican workers who died in a 1948 plane crash.

by the El Reportero staff

Just days after the death of country music legend Dolly Parton at age 80, a lesser-known chapter of her extraordinary career is drawing renewed attention: her recording of a song honoring 28 Mexican farmworkers killed in a California plane crash nearly eight decades ago.

Parton died Aug. 25 in Nashville after a brief battle with cancer, according to her representatives. Her death prompted tributes around the world celebrating not only the singer of classics such as “Jolene,” “I Will Always Love You” and “9 to 5,” but also her compassion for ordinary working people. (latimes.com)

One example came in 1980, when Parton recorded “Deportee (Plane Wreck at Los Gatos)” for her album 9 to 5 and Odd Jobs. The song told the story of Mexican workers whose deaths had largely been reduced to their immigration status. (latimes.com)

On Jan. 28, 1948, a chartered DC-3 carrying Mexican agricultural workers crashed in Los Gatos Canyon in western Fresno County. Thirty-two people died, including 28 Mexican passengers, the pilot, co-pilot, a flight attendant and an immigration officer.

News reports identified the American victims by name, while the Mexican passengers were commonly described simply as “deportees.”

That omission disturbed legendary folk singer Woody Guthrie, who wrote a poem protesting the way the workers had been stripped of their identities. Schoolteacher Martin Hoffman later put Guthrie’s words to music, creating a song subsequently performed by numerous folk artists.

Decades later, Parton brought the story to a much broader audience.

Her rendition appeared on the same 1980 album that contained “9 to 5,” one of the defining hits of her career. The album centered heavily on working people, making the story of the Mexican laborers a particularly meaningful inclusion. Parton never publicly explained why she chose to record the song. (latimes.com)

For decades, the 28 victims remained buried together at Holy Cross Cemetery in Fresno without their individual names marking the grave. Writer Tim Z. Hernandez later researched their identities and helped reconnect the tragedy with the families they left behind.

In 2013, a memorial bearing all 28 names was finally dedicated.

Now, following Parton’s death, the recording offers another reminder of her legacy: behind the rhinestones and worldwide fame was an artist willing to sing about people America had once left nameless.

With reports from Crónicas Mexicanas and additional reporting by El Reportero.

https://www.instagram.com/reel/DcfYBGUssjm/?utm_source=ig_web_copy_link&igsi=NTc4MTIwNjQ2YQ==

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How much are California’s public universities paying athletes? CalMatters is suing to find out

Los jugadores del equipo de fútbol americano UCLA Bruins salen al campo antes de un partido contra los Maryland Terrapins en el Rose Bowl en Pasadena el 18 de octubre de 2025. Players on the UCLA Bruins football team take the field prior to a football game against the Maryland Terrapins at the Rose Bowl in Pasadena on Oct. 18, 2025. Photo by Greg Fiore, Icon Sportswire via Getty Images

Universities have refused to share information about the money they’re giving student athletes. CalMatters is suing UCLA and UC Berkeley for the data and sharing what we know so far, including the contracts universities sign with students and details about some of these payments

by Adam Echelman, CalMatters

CalMatters filed a lawsuit against UCLA Monday after nearly a year of attempts to obtain information about how the university pays its student athletes.

Last fall, CalMatters submitted records requests to 16 University of California and California State University campuses, seeking information about payments to their Division I athletes, but many schools provided little or no information in response. The lawsuit states that taxpayers are entitled to know the names of players who have received money and the teams they play on.

“When public institutions distribute public resources, the public is entitled to know who receives those resources, in what amounts, and on what terms,” the lawsuit says. Stett Holbrook, a spokesperson for the UC system, said the UC will “respond appropriately in court” and that it takes the “California Public Records Act and student privacy obligations seriously.”

These direct payments to athletes began last summer when a legal settlement made it possible for the first time.

The universities pay student athletes for the right to use their name, image and likeness — NIL — in promotional materials. The payments also help recruit top athletes or dissuade them from seeking better pay elsewhere.

UCLA and UC Berkeley, which have the most competitive and most lucrative athletics programs among the state’s public universities, initially rejected CalMatters’ records requests. They argued that sharing information about their payments to students would put their players at a competitive disadvantage or violate students’ right to privacy in education.

After meeting with attorneys at Davis Wright Tremaine LLP, which represented CalMatters, both universities provided some records, which give a first-of-its-kind glimpse into the new dynamics of college sports. They each said they spent about $20.5 million paying athletes in the 2025-26 academic year, which is the maximum amount allowed. UCLA said it paid 229 athletes. UC Berkeley said it paid 147.

Neither UCLA nor UC Berkeley said which players or teams received the money — even as other universities were more forthcoming.

“We’re simply asking these public institutions to follow the law,” said CalMatters CEO Neil Chase, “and explain what’s being done with tens of millions of taxpayer dollars.”

Chase said CalMatters tried for months to find solutions that would assuage universities’ concerns over student privacy. “But they still refused, so unfortunately we’ve had to take this next step with UCLA and are planning a similar action involving UC Berkeley.”

San Diego State and UC Riverside provided the most information about student payments. UC Riverside said it gave its male athletes about $200,000, including multiple payments to the men’s basketball team, plus $70,000 for its female athletes. The university did not provide further details before publication about most of the payments.

San Diego State gave its athletes at least $8.6 million in the 2025-26 school year. Of that amount, more than 60% went to the football team. The men’s basketball team received most of the rest. San Diego State did not share additional details, such as how many players on the football or men’s basketball teams received payments. Of the millions paid to athletes at San Diego State, about 3% went to female athletes.

Private universities, such as Stanford and the University of Southern California, are not subject to the state’s public records laws.

Public universities have long argued that the money they spend on sports does not come from taxpayers. Most schools and news outlets refer to the payments as “revenue-sharing,” based on the notion that universities are paying athletes using revenue from ticket sales and broadcast or other marketing deals. But experts say these arguments are misleading or impossible to prove.

The University of California and the California State University are paying their athletes directly

California public institution Total payments to student athletes, 2025-26
UCLA $20,500,000
UC Berkeley $20,496,000
San Diego State $8,661,000
UC Santa Barbara $1,392,000
UC Irvine $827,000
UC San Diego $567,000
UC Riverside $274,000
Cal State Long Beach $231,000
Cal Poly San Luis Obispo $62,000
San Jose State No response
Fresno State No response
Sacramento State No response
UC Davis No payments made
Cal State Fullerton No payments made
Cal State Northridge No payments made
Cal State Bakersfield No payments made

Nationally, the vast majority of Division I athletic programs are losing money, not making it, according to a recent report from the U.S. Government Accountability Office: The median college reported losing about $20 million in the 2023-24 academic year.

Within the UC and Cal State systems, universities help cover the shortfall from athletic programs using tuition money, student fees, or their general fund, which includes state taxpayer dollars. In 2024-25, about 20% of UCLA’s athletic budget came from the university’s endowment or general fund. At UC Berkeley, it was nearly 30%. Still, the athletics programs at both universities were in the red that year, facing multi-million-dollar shortfalls. At less lucrative programs, such as UC Riverside, the university’s general fund or endowment pays the bulk of athletic costs.

“Every single dollar that the university allocates is taxpayer money, whether it’s donated or not,” said independent expert Andy Schwarz, a partner at the law firm OSKR who specializes in sports economics. “It’s like if you have a bathtub and say the money on the right is public and the money on the left is private, but it’s all bathwater, swirling around.”

No pay-for-play — but no pay without play

Although college sports have long been a multi-billion-dollar industry, the National Collegiate Athletic Association prevented student athletes from reaping many of the financial benefits beyond athletic scholarships.

These direct payments to students are possible because of a legal settlement of a class action lawsuit filed by two student athletes, Grant House, a former Arizona State University swimmer, and Sedona Prince, a former University of Oregon women’s basketball player. U.S. District Court Judge Claudia Wilken in San Francisco approved the settlement last spring and it went into effect on July 1, 2025.

Many UC and Cal State campuses shared template copies of the payment contracts or agreements they sign with student athletes. While universities and brands can pay athletes to use their name, image or likeness in marketing deals, the NCAA bans them from paying a student to play a sport, so many UC and Cal State payment contracts specifically say they prohibit “pay-for-play.”

But the very same agreements say that students must play the sport in order to continue receiving payment. While college officials may say this isn’t pay-for-play, in practical terms that isn’t true, said Matt Brown, who runs a publication called Extra Points that explains the business of college sports. “The marketability value of a CSU athlete, completely stripped away from the field, is worth functionally nothing.”

The contracts all say that student athletes are not employees. UC San Diego athletes are defined as “independent contractors,” though most other schools avoid labeling their employment status at all. San Jose State specifically says that these athletes are not entitled to workers’ compensation.

UCLA goes one step further. In its legal agreements, it tells students that they are not employees and that they are also not allowed to sue the campus for employment rights. UCLA students are supposed to consult with a parent, a lawyer or an agent before signing the document, but if they don’t, they have no right to sue for lack of representation.

Unlike professional athletes in the NFL, MLB and NBA, college athletes are not unionized, despite attempts at both Dartmouth College and the University of Southern California.

“Essentially what the colleges want is all the benefits of collective bargaining without having to give up any of the downsides that professional sports leagues agree to with their unions, such as minimum salaries and worker compensation if there are injuries,” said Schwarz.

Unlike student athletes’ payments, the salaries of professional athletes are typically shared publicly, even though the professional associations are private. Journalists and open government advocates have filed lawsuits in at least three other states — New Mexico, Louisiana and South Carolina — calling for their respective public universities to release records of student-athlete payments.

Athletes are still getting NIL brand deals, too

California bears credit for many of the recent changes to college sports. In 2019, the state helped start a national movement by passing a bill that allowed college students to make their own name, image and likeness deals. Other states quickly followed.

CalMatters was the first publication to report on the full scope of these brand deals in California. These deals disproportionately favored athletes on the football, men’s basketball and select women’s teams that featured star athletes, such as the UCLA gymnastics team and the Fresno State women’s basketball team. Olympic gold-medalist Jordan Chiles competed for the UCLA gymnastics team, for example. Influencers Haley and Hanna Cavinder played for the Fresno State women’s basketball team.

Companies such as Toyota, Nike, H&R Block, and Bumble — as well as the 2024 Biden campaign — all signed deals with California athletes to promote their brands, according to records obtained by CalMatters. In some cases, companies paid as much as $300,000 to athletes, often in exchange for favorable social media posts. But the largest deals came from university athletic booster clubs, otherwise known as collectives, which funnel donor money into sports, often with little transparency.

College athletes can still make these brand deals on top of the compensation they receive directly from their universities.

Since July 1, 2025, UC San Diego signed 18 contracts with its athletes, totaling about $560,000 in direct payments. The university did not disclose which players or teams received the payments. The university also formed a new booster club, SD Tide Collective.

About a week after the club was announced, members of the UC San Diego men’s basketball team received additional name, image and likeness payments totaling nearly $500,000 from a group called Tide LLC in exchange for “social media/licensing/appearances,” according to records obtained by CalMatters. UC San Diego did not respond to questions about Tide LLC or about the number of athletes who received money from the company.

At UC Santa Barbara, however, records show that the number of private brand deals plummeted. In 2024-25, its college athletes with those deals, mostly members of the men’s basketball team, reported earning more than $200,000. This past academic year, student athletes reported earning about $1,000 across 11 different deals.

But as a whole, students appear to be making more money — in direct payments from the university instead of private deals. In the 2025-26 school year, UC Santa Barbara paid its athletes nearly $1.4 million.

Like many universities, UC Santa Barbara refused to disclose how much money each player or each team received, but the university did say that it signed a total of 26 agreements with students, meaning that the vast majority of athletes received no payment at all.

This story was originally published by CalMatters.

 

 

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San Francisco lowers school speed limits as students return to class

Funcionarios de San Francisco recorren los alrededores de Flynn Elementary durante el anuncio de nuevas medidas de seguridad escolar. San Francisco officials walk near Flynn Elementary during the announcement of new school safety measures. Photo courtesy of Beatriz Flórez Huertas.

by the El Reportero staff

 

San Francisco is lowering speed limits around schools and making changes to Muni service as thousands of students return to classrooms for the new academic year.

Mayor Daniel Lurie joined San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency officials, school representatives and community members Aug. 14 at Leonard R. Flynn Elementary School in the Mission District to announce the school-safety measures.

Flynn, a Spanish-immersion and general education elementary school on Cesar Chavez Street, is among the first schools where San Francisco is implementing lower speed limits under a new state law.

The SFMTA has established a 20 mph default school speed limit and is expanding the use of 15 and 20 mph limits around schools. The agency plans to eliminate 25 mph school-zone limits at more than 230 public and private schools by 2028.

“Flynn Elementary is a great example of how our work can make schools safer: high visibility crosswalks, lower speeds and clearer intersections, with Muni right outside the school and crossing guards to help kids cross the street safely,” SFMTA Director of Transportation Julie Kirschbaum said. “This work is happening all across the city.”

The agency said it completed more than 40 school-zone crossing improvements during the summer and has improved visibility at approximately 2,300 intersections near schools through red-curb “daylighting,” which prevents vehicles from parking too close to crosswalks.

SFMTA also pointed to its automated speed-camera program, reporting that speeding declined 91 percent on Cesar Chavez Street in front of Flynn following installation of a camera. The cameras, however, remain part of a broader public debate over automated traffic enforcement, privacy and the growing use of surveillance technology on San Francisco streets.

Genny May-Montt, president of the Flynn Elementary PTA, welcomed the safety improvements.

“As a parent, volunteer soccer coach, and PTA president at Flynn Elementary, I am incredibly grateful that the SFMTA is prioritizing the safety of our children and families,” May-Montt said.

Transportation changes extend beyond streets surrounding the schools. Muni service changes scheduled to begin Aug. 29 include adjustments intended to make transit more convenient for students traveling to several San Francisco schools.

The initiative also maintains crossing-guard coverage throughout the city. SFMTA says more than 170 crossing guards will serve school communities this year.

City officials say the combined strategy — lower speed limits, improved crosswalks, crossing guards and transit changes — is intended to make the daily trip to and from school safer while encouraging more students and families to use public transportation.

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San Francisco must confront Flock surveillance

Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvin Ramírez

When El Reportero began putting the controversy over Flock surveillance cameras on our front page and spreading the issue through social media, the subject was receiving nowhere near the attention it commands today.

Now the debate is spreading rapidly across America.

Cities and counties are terminating Flock contracts at an accelerating pace. According to data compiled by Oakland-based Secure Justice, 214 jurisdictions had abandoned Flock since 2021, with more than 90 ending their relationship with the company in August alone.

The controversy has crossed political lines. Progressives concerned about civil liberties and immigration enforcement are questioning the cameras. Conservatives worried about government intrusion are questioning them too.

That should tell us something important: privacy is not left or right. It is an American freedom.

And where is San Francisco?

This is a city that proudly presents itself as a defender of civil liberties, immigrant communities, equality and social justice. Yet while communities around the country are reconsidering automated license plate readers, San Francisco continues operating hundreds of them.

The cameras photograph license plates and create searchable information about vehicles moving through our streets. Police argue that the technology helps recover stolen cars, locate suspects and investigate serious crimes.

Those are legitimate objectives.

But legitimate objectives do not automatically justify mass surveillance.

San Francisco itself has already experienced the danger. Police disclosed this year that an audit uncovered 299 improper searches of the city’s Flock data conducted on behalf of federal and out-of-state agencies. SFPD responded by cutting off the regional intelligence center’s access.

That was appropriate.

But the cameras remained.

And that leaves a larger question unanswered: Why should hundreds of devices continue recording the movements of ordinary citizens who are suspected of absolutely nothing?

Flock cameras remain visible along César Chávez Street in the Mission District. Residents drive beneath them every day.

Why are they there?

The justification is always public safety: recover a stolen automobile, find a criminal or prevent a crime that might occur in the future.

But if the possibility of a future crime justifies permanent surveillance, cameras can be placed on every street and intersection in America.

That is precisely the danger.

San Franciscans already live with extraordinary regulation of public space. Parking disappears. Curbs become restricted zones, sometimes where their practical necessity is difficult for residents to understand. Streets are redesigned, restrictions multiply and surveillance technology expands.

Government increasingly watches, regulates and records everyday life.

There must be limits.

The Board of Supervisors has questioned misuse of license-plate data, and that scrutiny is welcome. But San Francisco should now confront the larger issue: Should this surveillance network exist at its present scale at all?

And Mayor Daniel Lurie should publicly tell San Franciscans where he stands.

Does his administration support keeping these cameras? How much information should they collect? Who should be permitted to search it? How long should it exist? And why does San Francisco need hundreds of cameras tracking vehicles across a city that champions civil liberties?

These questions deserve answers.

Other communities are no longer merely asking questions. They are taking action.

San Francisco should not be among the last cities to recognize what is happening.

Technology can help fight crime without turning an entire population into subjects of continuous observation.

San Francisco should join the growing national movement, reconsider this system and remove Flock cameras from our streets.

The cameras should come down.

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