Wednesday, January 22, 2025
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Peso falls to 20.9 to the dollar in its fourth consecutive day of depreciation

El peso se encaminaba a registrar su cuarto peor año desde que México implementó un régimen cambiario de libre flotación en 1995, según el director de análisis económico de Banco Base. -- As of Monday, the peso was on track to record its fourth-worst year since Mexico implemented a free-floating exchange regime in 1995, according to Banco Base's director of economic analysis. (Shutterstock)

As of Monday, the peso was on track to record its fourth-worst year since Mexico implemented a free-floating exchange regime in 1995, according to Banco Base’s director of economic analysis. (Shutterstock)

The Mexican peso depreciated in early trading on Tuesday, losing ground against the US dollar for a fourth consecutive day as 2024 comes to a close.

After closing at 20.66 to the greenback on Monday, the peso fell to 20.90 shortly before 2 p.m. Mexico City time on Tuesday. The tumble marked a 1.16 percent depreciation, bringing the peso to its weakest position in all of 2024.

The peso’s depreciation on Tuesday came after the currency fell 1.67 percent against the greenback on Monday.

The expectation that the Bank of Mexico’s benchmark interest rate will continue to decline in 2025 after five cuts this year is one factor contributing to the decline of the peso in recent days. Concern over the potential impact of the second Trump administration on the Mexican economy is another.

United States President-elect Donald Trump, who will take office on Jan. 20, has pledged to impose a 25 percent tariff on all Mexican exports on the first day of his second term and keep it in place until Mexico does more to stop the flow of drugs and migrants to the U.S.

In a post to X on Tuesday morning, Banco Base’s director of economic analysis, Gabriela Siller, attributed the recent depreciation of the peso to “fear” over Trump’s return to the White House.

“The exchange rate is shaping up to end the year at close to 21 pesos per dollar. There is fear over the return of Trump,” she wrote.

Cipactli Jiménez, an independent investment adviser, told the El Economista newspaper that “there is great uncertainty” regarding the relationship Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum will have with Trump.

Uncertainty over the impact the policies of the second Trump administration will have on the Mexican economy “is reflected in the [current USD:MXN] exchange rate,” he added.

The worst year for the peso since 2008 

According to Yahoo! Finance, the Mexican peso closed at 16.86 to the US dollar on Dec. 31, 2023. Thus the peso has depreciated around 19 percent in 2024.

Compared to the 16.30-to-the-dollar rate the peso reached in April, the depreciation is almost 22 percent.

The peso depreciated sharply after the ruling Morena party’s comprehensive victory in Mexico’s June 2 elections. Concern over Morena’s constitutional reform agenda, especially the judicial overhaul that Congress approved in September, was a major factor in the decline.

The election of Trump in early November, and the former and future president’s tariff threats, placed additional pressure on the peso.

On Monday, Siller noted on X that the peso was on track to record its fourth-worst year since Mexico implemented a free-floating exchange regime in 1995.

“If the exchange rate ends the year at today’s level (20.55 pesos per dollar) it will be the fourth largest annual depreciation [for the peso] since we’ve had the free-floating exchange regime,” she wrote.

The Banco Base analyst said that the annual depreciation this year would rank behind a 51.63 percent decline in 1995, a 22.87 percent depreciation in 1998 and a 25.46 percent weakening in 2008 amid the global financial crisis.

With reports from El Economista, Reuters and Bloomberg Línea

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A look at the elimination of the Department of Education

by the El Reportero‘s news services

President-elect Donald Trump has vowed to eliminate the Department of Education, a move aimed at addressing concerns about the agency’s spending and perceived focus on “woke” indoctrination amid declining student performance.

“We will ultimately eliminate the federal Department of Education,” Trump said during a rally in Wisconsin, promising to stop the misuse of taxpayer dollars to promote ideologies many parents oppose.

Experts like Jim Blew, former Assistant Secretary for Planning, Evaluation, and Policy Development at the department, support the proposal. Blew argues that its core functions—such as allocating funds for low-income school districts, special education, and enforcing civil rights laws—could be reassigned to other federal agencies. For instance, the Treasury Department could handle student loans, while the Justice Department might enforce Title IX provisions.

The department’s annual $80 billion budget has been criticized for inefficiency, as curriculum decisions remain at the state and local levels. Critics argue that converting Title I funding into state block grants could empower local districts to allocate resources more effectively, although it might also risk poorer spending decisions.

During the pandemic, the department distributed billions in COVID relief funds, but academic performance still declined. Nine-year-olds’ reading scores fell five points in 2022—the largest drop since 1990—and math scores dropped seven points. Parents, frustrated by prolonged school closures and remote learning, became more vocal about concerns over political content in curricula.

Trump is not the first Republican to target the department. Ronald Reagan also campaigned to eliminate it but faced resistance in Congress. Trump’s plan, however, comes amid heightened dissatisfaction with public schools, which could provide political momentum.

The department also enforces civil rights laws, a role that expanded under the Biden administration’s redefinition of Title IX to include gender identity. Critics, including courts in some states, have pushed back against these changes. Trump has signaled plans to cut funding to schools promoting Critical Race Theory or controversial gender policies.

Some conservatives, like California school board member Jonathan Zachreson, worry that eliminating the department could reduce oversight over states with progressive education policies, such as those requiring schools to allow transgender students to use opposite-sex bathrooms. “Before you abolish the Department of Education, you need to fix a couple of things,” Zachreson said, emphasizing the need for clear Title IX guidance.

Education expert Andy Smarick noted that eliminating the department could limit federal power to advance specific agendas. While reducing bureaucracy appeals to many, it would also require states to handle more responsibilities with less federal oversight.

Federal funding itself has drawbacks. During the pandemic, teachers’ unions in California delayed reopening schools until they secured federal COVID relief funds, according to Zachreson.

To abolish the department, Trump would need Congress to pass legislation, requiring a supermajority in the Senate—a significant challenge. Some Republican lawmakers, like Senator Mike Rounds (R-SD), have already introduced bills to dismantle the department and redistribute its functions. However, teachers’ unions remain a formidable obstacle. Created as part of a campaign promise to the National Education Association in 1979, the department still has strong union backing. Union leaders, including Randi Weingarten, have criticized Trump’s plans.

Regardless of the department’s future, addressing recent learning losses will take years. Blew emphasized the need for ongoing reform to ensure underserved students receive the education they deserve. “The reform movement will continue until that injustice is erased,” he said.

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Federal health care dollars are helping to house homeless Californians. Trump could stop that

El Dr. Rishi Patel, del equipo de Akido Street Medicine, controla a un hombre sin hogar que vive en un viñedo en Arvin el 28 de mayo de 2024. -- Dr. Rishi Patel from the Akido Street Medicine team checks on an unhoused man living in a vineyard in Arvin on May 28, 2024. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local

Gov. Newsom launched an ambitious program that uses Medi-Cal to help Californians access housing, healthy food and more. Now, its fate is in the hands of President-Elect Trump

by Marisa Kendall

Two years ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration unveiled a new plan to help solve the homelessness crisis: It began using health care providers, funded through Medi-Cal, to help people get and stay housed.

Now, with President-Elect Donald Trump about to take office, some health care organizations, homeless service providers and other stakeholders throughout California worry  the program may fall apart just as it’s starting to make a difference. It’s one of many potential shake ups they’re bracing for as they prepare for a new federal administration unlikely to see eye to eye with the Golden State on many of its social welfare policies.

“It makes us all very nervous,” said John Baackes, outgoing CEO of Medi-Cal provider L.A. Care Health Plan.

CalAIM, launched in 2022, is an expansion of Medi-Cal that allows health insurance to pay for certain things that aren’t considered traditional medical care — such as services to help homeless Californians find and keep housing. Proponents say it’s brought a much-needed infusion of money into the state’s overburdened homeless services system.

But because states aren’t typically allowed to spend Medicaid dollars on those types of services, California had to get special permission from the federal government. That permission, in the form of two waivers, expires at the end of 2026.

That means the fate of CalAIM rests in the hands of the Trump administration, which can decide whether to renew the program, scale it back or change it. Trump has yet to give any indication of what he would do (or even whether this specific California program is on his radar) and most stakeholders agree any changes he makes probably wouldn’t come until 2026. But the uncertainty is compounding the stress on already overburdened homeless service providers, who routinely receive short-term, one-time grants instead of permanent funding, making it difficult to plan for the future.

“CalAIM has been one of the most important and, I think, under-appreciated policies of the Newsom administration, to try to better connect our health system and our housing system,” said Tommy Newman, vice president of public affairs for United Way of Greater Los Angeles. “And the risk of going backwards on that is scary.”

Newsom’s administration wouldn’t specify what, if anything, it is doing to safeguard CalAIM.

“California will continue to work collaboratively with our federal partners to ensure that families in our state are healthy and our communities are vibrant places to live and work,” Anthony Cava, spokesperson for the Department of Health Care Services, said in a statement. “While we don’t typically speculate on the potential impacts of a new federal administration, we remain committed to protecting Californian’s access to the critical services and programs they need.”

What is CalAIM?

The goal of CalAIM is to address factors known as “social determinants of health” for low-income Californians. It’s hard to stay healthy when you don’t have access to basic necessities, such as housing and nutritious food, for example. Ultimately, it’s supposed to save the state and the feds money by helping people avoid expensive emergency room visits.

In 2023, more than 68,600 Californians used the three services known as the “housing trio” under CalAIM. These are services designed to help them find housing, stay housed or pay for move-in costs such as security deposits and first and last month’s rent, according to the most recent state data available. Only CalAIM’s “medically tailored meals” service (which helps people with conditions such as diabetes access food that meets their dietary needs) was nearly as popular, with nearly 62,700 users.

CalAIM provides a total of 14 of these services, or “community supports,” which also include medical respite care for people who recently left the hospital, asthma remediation — think air filters, dehumidifiers, mold removal — and sobering centers. CalAIM also provides something called “enhanced care management,” which pairs Medi-Cal members with an intensive case manager who can help them access everything from a doctor to a dentist to a social worker.

One-time grants, doled out to health plans as an incentive for them to ramp up CalAIM services, also helped fund the construction of new affordable housing.

Abode Services, a nonprofit that provides shelter, housing and other aid for unhoused people across seven Bay Area counties, serves more than 1,000 Californians through CalAIM, said CEO Vivian Wan. In Napa County, Abode uses CalAIM to provide case management services to help people move from homeless encampments into shelter and housing. In Santa Cruz County, Abode uses CalAIM funds to replace the federal COVID-19 homelessness funds that poured in during the pandemic but have since dried up.

Abode and other nonprofits also use CalAIM funds to fill an important gap often left by other grants: services for formerly homeless people living in subsidized housing. State programs such as Homekey offer money to buy or build homeless housing, and vouchers pay for tenants’ rent, but there’s often nothing left to fund the case management, counseling and more that’s crucial to help people with physical and mental health conditions, or addictions — the people Newsom has made a priority in his effort to clear encampments — hold onto their housing.

“I shudder to think what would happen if we had all of the mandates from our development side of supporting people through coordinated entry, taking really vulnerable people, and we then reduced the services down to bare bones,” Wan said.

What would Trump do to CalAIM?

It’s difficult to speculate about what the Trump administration will do with CalAIM. Celebrity physician Dr. Mehmet Oz, Trump’s pick to run the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, has no prior experience with the agency and therefore no track record that could provide clues as to how he will act.

Any changes likely would be felt at the end of 2026, when California attempts to renew its CalAIM waivers. But it’s not unheard of for a president to terminate a waiver early. After President Joe Biden took office in 2021, he pulled waivers, authorized by Trump, that had allowed states to require Medicaid recipients to prove they were working or unable to work. But that was an extreme situation, as multiple courts had already shot down those waivers.

“It’s not like CalAIM is going away tomorrow, or even in January,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “But after that, I think that’s where the questions are: What could happen then? And the fact that it’s California, and not Trump’s favorite state, I think makes people worried.”

Plans to expand future coverage also could be at risk. Health plans are rolling out new frameworks under CalAIM to offer health care to people in jail and prison up to 90 days before they are released. California also has applied to amend one of its federal waivers to add rental assistance to the services CalAIM offers. If that’s approved, the state would be allowed to use Medi-Cal to pay for up to six months of rent for homeless and at-risk people who are leaving settings such as jail, prison, the hospital, or an in-patient mental health or substance abuse facility.

But a recent article by conservative think tank the Manhattan Institute questions the use of health care funds to pay for social services — a potential bellwether that suggests the new administration might not be supportive of programs like CalAIM.

“Even if a social welfare program is a well-intentioned and wise idea, that does not make it health-care,” wrote Manhattan Institute senior fellow Chris Pope. “Health care costs will not be greatly reduced by expanding the meaning of health care to cover every social service; nor would doing so distribute nonmedical assistance to those who need it most.”

The Trump administration also could change the waivers before renewing them, forcing California to pare down the services CalAIM offers, or add work requirements.

Trump, as well as the Republican-controlled Congress, are likely to support requiring Medicaid recipients to prove they are either working or are unable to work. The last time he was in office, Trump approved 13 state waivers that included work requirements, before the Biden administration later withdrew them. Project 2025, a conservative governing blueprint written by the Heritage Foundation, also prioritizes work requirements.

Work requirements historically lead to people, especially low-income people and people of color, losing benefits, according to research by the progressive think tank Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. It found many recipients are working but have a hard time providing the necessary paperwork to prove it, while others can’t work due to obligations as full-time caregivers or a lack of child care.

Trump and Congress also could impose more sweeping cuts to Medicaid as a whole, which could affect California’s ability to continue programs such as CalAIM.

There are ways California could safeguard at least some of its CalAIM services, by baking them into Medi-Cal as permanent benefits, Rapport said. Her organization is pushing for the state to do that with CalAIM’s three housing services.

Staff at L.A. Care already are thinking about how they could continue offering CalAIM services to their members if the Trump administration cuts the program. It would require some significant rearranging of funds, said Chief Medical Officer Dr. Sameer Amin. His organization has nearly 16,800 people enrolled in CalAIM services to help them find and keep housing.

“My concern is that the housing crisis in LA County is not something that happened overnight, and it’s not something that can be corrected overnight,” he said. “It really requires a sustained effort over the course of years and a significant amount of investment. And if we don’t do the investment that we need to do, if we have to reprioritize away from some of these programs, my concern is that these folks are not going to get the health care that they need because they are not housed.”

Staff writer Kristen Hwang contributed to this story.

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Did you reach your financial goal this year? 

Sponsored by JPMorganChase

Eleven months ago, many people set financial goals for the New Year.

Maybe you planned to buy a new home, finance a new vehicle or start a new business. Whether you made New Year’s resolutions, pasted images on a vision board or crunched numbers on an official balance sheet, you had every intention of achieving those goals in 2024.

As the year draws to a close, it’s time to look back on what worked — or where you may have gone wrong financially. Those lessons learned can help you set new goals and better manage your finances in 2025.

JPMorgan Chase offers six dos and don’ts about financial planning and management that can help you achieve a fresh start in 2025 and get closer to reaching your goals.

DO create a budget

One common financial mistake is not having a budget at all. Remaining in the dark about your spending can limit your ability to save for important goals like a car, a home or your retirement. If you don’t know what you’re spending, there’s a good chance you may be spending too much.

  • DON’T leave your budget up to chance 

Using guesswork when trying to allocate your monthly budget can lead to overestimating or underestimating how much to allot toward each budgeting category. This may set you up for failure. Taking a month to assess and identify your spending patterns may help to establish a baseline as you’re setting your budget.

  • DO track your spending

Get to know your spending by creating a monthly budget tracker. You can then review your spending and track it in a monthly budget worksheet. Over time, you can adjust which budgeting categories to cut back spending on. Expenses can fluctuate month to month, so be prepared to shift gears whenever necessary.

  • DON’T put wants and needs in the same category

A common error beginner budgeters can make is mistaking “wants” for “needs.” Needs are essential items like utility bills, rent or mortgage payments, and groceries. These are things you need to live. Wants, on the other hand, are non-essential expenses like dining out or entertainment. It may still be possible to find room in your budget to accommodate a few luxuries, but being honest with yourself about what’s truly necessary may help you avoid this budgeting mishap.

  • DO keep it simple

The idea of listing every single expenditure for a month might seem daunting, but you don’t have to go that far. It can be helpful to create a budget that works for you, which includes making it manageable enough to take on in the first place. If you’re just starting out, create just a handful of budgeting categories to help keep things simple.

  • DON’T skip the emergency fund

Life is unpredictable and having an emergency fund to pay for unplanned expenses may help you during that time. Without it, you may have to dip into long-term savings or use a credit card if the unexpected arises. Creating an emergency funddoesn’t have to be   When you’re making your budget, include a monthly line item for emergency fund contributions. This can help build up your reserves over time. Many bank accounts even let you automate these emergency fund deposits.

The bottom line
Give yourself grace if you fell short of your financial goals this year. As you prepare for 2025, remember that budgeting can be a powerful tool to help you build better financial habits.

Start tracking your spending now to set up your budget for next year and be aware of common budgeting mistakes. It’s never too early – or too late – to get back on the road to financial freedom.

– For informational/educational purposes only: Views and strategies described may not be appropriate for everyone and are not intended as specific advice/recommendation for any individual. Information has been obtained from sources believed to be reliable, but JPMorgan Chase & Co. or its affiliates and/or subsidiaries do not warrant its completeness or accuracy. JPMorgan Chase & Co. and its affiliates are not responsible for, and do not provide or endorse third party products, services, or other content.

Deposit products provided by JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. Member FDIC. Equal Opportunity Lender. 

 © 2024 JPMorgan Chase & Co. 

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Pacific Mambo Orchestra in concert

Pacific Mambo Orchestra

by Magdy Zara

Kick off the year enjoying Latin music with a concert by the renowned Grammy Award-winning Latin Big Band Pacific Mambo Orchestra (PMO), whose repertoire is full of contagious energy and superb musicianship.

The Orchestra has received international praise at prestigious festivals including the Montreux Jazz Festival (Switzerland), the Tempo Latino Festival (France), the Antagonish Jazz Festival (Canada), the 5th Annual Tribute to Salsa in Mexico City, as well as numerous appearances at other top-level festivals such as the Monterey Jazz Festival, the San Francisco International Jazz Festival, the Jacksonville Jazz Festival, the Aspen Jazz Festival and many more.

Latin Big Band Pacific Mambo Orchestra, performs on January 3rd and 4th, 2015, starting at 7pm, at Yoshis restaurant located at 510 Embarcadero West, Oakland.

Tickets range from $33-$65.

Last performance of La Virgen del Tepeyac

La Virgen del Tepeyac, is a dramatization of the four apparitions of the Virgin of Guadalupe to Juan Diego on Tepeyac Hill outside Mexico City in 1531.

Dramatización de la Virgen del Tepeyac. Dramatization of the Virgin of Tepeyac.

This staging is a tradition that has been on stage for more than 50 years.

The play culminates with the miracle of the roses that sealed the conversion of pre-Columbian Mexico to Christianity. The appearance of the Virgin of Guadalupe is a beacon, a ray of light and hope for the indigenous people of the Americas, through centuries of darkness and injustice.

This Christmas performance was adapted from a four-character liturgical drama written by an anonymous Spanish monk in the 18th century.

Artist Luis Valdez reworked the original story to include new characters and scenes, and also introduced music and dance.

Importantly, the piece includes Aztec songs and dances, adding complex layers to this show that encompasses both Catholic and indigenous rituals.

This is recognized as El Teatro Campesino’s longest-running work, and is appreciated by spectators who come from all over the world to see it performed every two years since 1971 in concert with “La Pastorela.”

Performances began on December 19 and conclude on January 11, 2025 at 5 p.m., at the Teatro Campesino located at 705 4th Street, San Juan Bautista.

For tickets visit: www.elteatrocampesino.com

2025 Social and Economic Justice Music Festival

Everything is set for the People’s Congress and the Social and Economic Justice Music Festival that will bring together a wide range of activists, and artists in a call to fight against social and economic injustices.

The Social and Economic Justice Music Festival will feature all genres and styles of music, as well as other art forms besides music. On Saturday there will be three workshop sessions on various topics and on Sunday there will be three sessions of song sharing and shared performances. Both days end with an evening concert.

The Social and Economic Justice Music Festival is scheduled for Saturday, January 25 and Sunday, January 26 starting at 9 a.m., at Mission High School, 3750 – 18th Street, between Dolores and Church streets.

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Bwana: The legacy of an iconic Nicaraguan band in the 60s and 70s

Original members of Bwana. De izq-der: Charlie Avarena (Chileno), Donaldo Mantilla, Salvador Fernández (r.i.p., congas) , Roberto Martínez (r.i.p.) and Ricardo Palma (r.i.p.).

by Marvin Ramírez

The 60s and 70s were a time of great musical effervescence in Latin America, and Nicaragua was no exception. In that context, Bwana emerged, a band that fused rock, tropical music and indigenous sounds, creating a unique style that reflected the reality and spirit of Managua at the time, known as the “Central American Switzerland.” Although the band had a relatively short career, its legacy lives on in the collective memory and in the history of Latin American rock.

The birth of Bwana

Formed in the late 60s, Bwana was born from the union of young musicians influenced by the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, Santana and Latin jazz. The name “Bwana” evoked power and authority, a term that reflected the ambition of the group, which quickly stood out in the Nicaraguan music scene.

However, the story behind the formation of Bwana is more complex than what has commonly been told. According to Donaldo Mantía, one of the founding members, the group’s core was made up of the following musicians.

“If the group was founded in the early 1970s, the group’s core was made up of: Tony Rodríguez AKA Bugs Bonnie, on bass, Danilo Amador on organ, Cali Alemán as singer, Roberto Martínez (Maguila) on guitar, Salvador Fernández on congas and myself, Donaldo Mantía, on drums,” explained Mantía.

However, Luis Malespín, AKA Luigi Ibarra, who is proud to be the grandson of the creator of the lyrics of the Nicaraguan national anthem, Salomón Ibarra Mayorga.

Malespín mentions that he was the group’s first guitarist, which led them to win a first place award for best group, when Indio Corea was in charge of promoting the band.

In 1970 we went to Costa Rica to record two singles with the first members I mentioned to you,” he added, clarifying some details about the band’s original lineup.

Afterwards, the band members experienced some changes: “Then, we brought in Ricardo Palma and Román Cerna to record the first album, because Danilo Amador came to the United States and Tony didn’t want to continue.” Malespín also went to the US.

For the second album, Bwana incorporated Chilean Charlie Aravena on bass. “As an original member of Bwana, that’s the true story of Bwana, which crossed borders,” said Mantía.

The members of Bwana

Throughout its career, the band underwent some changes in its lineup, but the key members were:

  • Cali Alemán, the charismatic singer, whose distinctive voice marked the band’s sound.
  • Jaime Vanegas, drummer whose unique style shaped Bwana’s rhythm.
  • Donaldo Mantía (‘El Picudo’), drummer and timbalero, contributed a special sound to the compositions.
  • Salvador Fernández (q.e.p.d.), (‘Shava’), recognized as one of the best conga players in Nicaragua.
  • Ricardo Palma (q.e.p.d.), keyboardist, guitarist and vocalist, contributed to the group’s versatility.
  • Román Cerpa, bassist and percussionist, whose presence on stage was key in the formation of Bwana’s sound.
  • Roberto Martínez (q.e.p.d.), guitarist and vocalist, who enriched the band’s repertoire with his melodies.

Sadly, Roberto Martínez recently passed away in November due to lung problems that “began in Nicaragua, since he had gone to live there. But they brought him back to Los Angeles to receive treatment, since in Nicaragua he did not have medical insurance,” explained the Nicaraguan singer and rock icon, Janet Barnes, to El Reportero. “He had a cough that wouldn’t let him breathe,” said Barnes, who was saddened by the musician’s passing.

The legacy of its music

Bwana was not only distinguished by his international rock influences, but also by the integration of Latin and Caribbean rhythms. Songs such as “La Jurumba” and “La Patada” reflected the social reality and experiences of Nicaraguan youth. “La Jurumba” in particular became an anthem that evoked life in the barrios of Managua and the figure of the National Guard, a symbol of the repressive power of the Somoza regime.

In a comment from a follower, it is mentioned: “Bwana’s La Jurumba is an emblematic song of old Managua. We remember the Nissan, the car that the Managua Police used to patrol and imprison people, the Garand on the ribs (the weapon used by the National Guard in Nicaragua), the streets of the barrios of Sto. Domingo, Campo Bruce and all of old Managua.” These words evoke the turbulent times of the country, but also the moments of freedom and tolerance, which existed, despite the Somoza regime.

The band achieved great popularity after recording their first album around 1973 or 1974 in Costa Rica. This material consolidated their name in the region, and songs such as “Chapumbambe”, “Motemba” and “Todo es Real” demonstrated their ability to fuse different musical styles with a strong Nicaraguan identity.

Dissolution and exile

The earthquake of 1972 and the civil war that culminated with the fall of Somoza in 1979 marked the end of Bwana as a band. Many of its members went into exile, and the band was never able to reunite in its original form. However, their music lives on in the memories of those who lived through that time. The testimonies of admirers such as Rafael Gaitán reflect the nostalgia for those times: “They were wonderful times. An era that only remains in memory.”

Although the members of Bwana currently live outside of Nicaragua, in the United States, others have already passed away, and those who remain are enjoying their senior years with children and grandchildren, but some continue trying to revive the band, continue playing or creating music in their homes with their own studios. However, resentment has arisen among them, since Roberto Martínez (RIP), without the authorization of the rest, patented the name and songs of the group for his own benefit, which has created conflicts, Mantía explained to El Reportero. Despite the attempts to recreate it, it has not been possible to materialize, and only the dream of reviving it remains.

In a recent interview, Mantía, who was an integral part of the band as a drummer and timbalero, shared his version of some of the internal conflicts that contributed to the dissolution of the group.

“I left the group at the end of ’73 because this Maguila (Roberto Martinez) was stealing from me and I took my drums and went to Matagalpa to study the drums more with methods and I developed deeply and I also studied music at the conservatory after the earthquake; I’m not into noise, that’s why I’ve maintained a good level. Finally, Maguila was the one who sullied the name of Bwana,” said Mantía, clarifying his perspective on the problems within the group.

The legacy endures

Although the members live outside their homeland, the legacy of Bwana continues to be fundamental in the history of Latin rock. Their music remains a reminder of Managua in the 60s and 70s and of the bravery of a band that, through its art, challenged the political and social norms of its time.

Watch Bwana video.

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Trump promises to designate Mexican cartels as terrorist organizations: Sheinbaum responds

by Mexico News Daily

After U.S. President-elect Donald Trump declared he would designate Mexican cartels as foreign terrorist organizations on his first day in office, Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum told reporters Mexico would never accept any interventionist actions.

“We will collaborate with and coordinate with the United States,” Sheinbaum said in response, “but we will never subordinate ourselves.”

During a Sunday speech to conservative supporters, Trump — who takes office on Jan. 20, 2025 — said he would address illegal drugs on his first day in office, according to the newspaper El País.

“All foreign gang members will be expelled and I will immediately designate the [drug] cartels as foreign terrorist organizations,” Trump said, adding that every cartel “operating on American soil will be dismantled, deported and destroyed.”

Trump also mentioned his November phone call with Sheinbaum, after he had threatened to levy 25% tariffs on Mexico unless more is done to solve the problems of immigration and drug trafficking.

Calling Sheinbaum “a lovely woman,” Trump told the AmericaFest crowd that he was very tough on Mexico, saying he insisted the Mexican president must do more to address the drug trade.

Trump floated the idea of a terrorist designation during his first term in office back in 2019, but set plans aside at the request of Sheinbaum’s predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who sought to cooperate in the fight against drug gangs, instead of considering intervention.

For several years, hard-liners in the United States have demanded that organizations such as the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco Nueva Generación Cartel be labeled as terrorist groups. These supporters would also back targeted attacks on cartel operations in Mexico in violation of international law, El País reported.

Officially designating cartels as terrorist organizations would legally permit the United States to send its military into Mexico to fight the crime gangs, the newspaper El Universal reported. Some U.S. officials believe such a measure would damage relations with Mexico and hinder the Mexican government’s fight against drug trafficking.

After saying she would defend Mexico’s sovereignty against any interventionist actions, Sheinbaum restated her government’s position on the drug war.

“The drugs are consumed [in the United States], the guns [the cartels use] come from there, and lives are lost down here,” she said. “But … we don’t accept interference in our country.”

Sheinbaum added that her administration is working to re-establish peace in Mexico by addressing the root causes of violence so that the country’s youth do not become involved in crime.

With reports from Por Esto, Reuters, El Universal, El País and Reforma

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Antojitos Patry: A link between San Francisco and Nicaragua

La Familia Rocha de la empresa Antojitos Patry: Casandra, Laura Patricia y Johny

by Marvin Ramírez

Located in the heart of Mission Street, San Francisco, Antojitos Patry has established itself as a reference for the Nicaraguan and Central American community. This family-run business not only offers traditional products and essential services, but has also created a space that connects local residents with the cultural roots of Nicaragua.

Run by Patricia Lissetth Rocha, a Nicaraguan entrepreneur, Antojitos Patry was born out of a desire to share the traditions of her home country. What began as a small street stand has grown into a vibrant store offering a wide range of products, from pinolillo and rosquillas to traditional clothing and household items. Patricia emphasizes: “We bring Nicaragua to San Francisco,” highlighting the speed and security of their parcel services.

The driving force behind this growing company is not only Patricia, but her entire family. From her children and husband to the children’s grandmother, everyone is an active part of the business. The family is involved in every aspect of the store, from customer service to product selection. The grandmother is often the first to greet customers at the door, ready to help them with whatever they need to reconnect with their country. “It’s a team effort, and each member of the family has a fundamental role to make everything work well,” says Patricia, who highlights the importance of the family unit in the success of Antojitos Patry.

Antojitos Patry is not only a place to find traditional products, but also a center for essential services for the community. Among its main offerings are money transfers through Western Union, package transport to Nicaragua, and tax filing (Income Tax Services). The store has become a trusted place for those who need to send packages or carry out financial procedures safely.

The products available in the store are carefully selected by Patricia, who frequently travels to Nicaragua to bring the best of her homeland. Among the most popular items are old-fashioned cookies, handicrafts, and other typical products that evoke the nostalgia of those who have left their country but wish to keep the connection with their culture alive.

Over the years, Antojitos Patry has managed to strengthen its bond with the Nicaraguan community in San Francisco, becoming an emblematic place. The store not only meets the needs of customers, but also offers a space where warmth and hospitality are felt in each visit.

Antojitos Patry is located at 2847 Mission Street, San Francisco, California, and has established itself as a key place for those seeking to reconnect with their cultural roots. For more information about its products and services, interested parties can call 415-757-0154 or 415-571-1904.

Antojitos Patry is not just a business, but a bridge between Nicaragua and San Francisco, where tradition and service come together to offer the community a piece of their homeland in the heart of the city.

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  The impact of “Safe Routes” policies on urban parking for drivers

La imagen muestra cómo los conductores enfrentan los desafíos de estacionamiento debido a las políticas de "rutas seguras", resaltando la tensión entre la sustentabilidad y la necesidad de estacionamiento accesible". -- The image shows how drivers face parking challenges due to “safe routes” policies, highlighting the tension between sustainability and the need for accessible parking.

The image shows how drivers face parking challenges due to ‘safe routes’ policies, highlighting the tension between sustainability and the need for accessible parking.”

Let’s urge voters to compel the City to restore all parking spaces removed over the past 20 years, build multi-level parking structures and require all new developments to include parking spaces

Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvin Ramírez

The year 2025 will bring significant changes to urban transportation policies, with many cities focusing on expanding “safe routes” initiatives. These policies prioritize pedestrians and cyclists by limiting vehicle access, adding bike lanes, and creating pedestrian-only zones. While these changes aim to reduce car dependence and promote sustainable mobility, they also present challenges for drivers, especially those who rely on their vehicles for daily activities. Parking restrictions, a key part of these projects, are expected to impact residents and businesses, forcing them to navigate an increasingly complex parking situation.

A major concern is the growing number of parking restrictions. As cities reduce car usage, they often remove parking spaces to create bike lanes or widen sidewalks. This burdens residents, especially in neighborhoods with already limited parking, where people depend on their cars for commuting, errands, and appointments. The loss of parking spaces disproportionately affects those without reliable public transportation or those who cannot afford alternatives like taxis or rideshare services.

What exacerbates this issue is that many “safe routes” initiatives do not come with adequate parking alternatives. Bike lanes and pedestrian zones are often implemented without considering residents’ daily needs. This leads to alienation and frustration among drivers, who are forced to park farther from their homes or businesses, sometimes in areas with high fees or inadequate spaces. This lack of coordination between city planners and car-dependent residents creates a conflict between sustainable development and practical urban needs.

The introduction of higher parking fines for violations in restricted areas only adds to the discontent. As access to parking spaces becomes more restricted, many drivers risk fines or spend long periods searching for available spots. In areas with high parking demand, this becomes a daily struggle. Local businesses that rely on foot traffic also suffer, as customers have difficulty finding parking, leading to decreased economic activity and further frustration for both residents and business owners.

One way to mitigate these challenges is for local authorities to reconsider their approach to “safe routes” initiatives. Parking removal should be paired with alternative solutions that allow drivers to access their homes and businesses easily. One option is the creation of multi-level parking structures or the introduction of more efficient parking management systems that better distribute parking spaces. Local governments could also work with businesses and residents to identify spaces that could be shared or repurposed for parking without undermining the goals of the “safe routes” initiatives.

If these changes are not made voluntarily by the city, the removal of parking spaces and the negative impacts of these policies could become a pressing issue that demands a broader public response. If current trends continue without regard to the daily needs of people, a citywide ballot measure might be necessary to address the issue. This measure could call for the restoration of removed parking spaces and a more balanced approach to ensuring mobility and parking are available for all residents, regardless of their preferred mode of transportation. A public vote could allow the community to shape the future of urban mobility and parking policies, ensuring that local government actions align with the interests of those most affected.

And, while “safe routes” initiatives are a step toward more sustainable and eco-friendly cities, they must not come at the expense of the residents who rely on their cars. As cities plan for 2025, it is essential that these initiatives consider the realities of urban living, including the need for accessible and sufficient parking. The city must balance promoting sustainable transportation with meeting drivers’ practical needs. If parking removal continues unchecked, the solution may lie in the hands of voters. By placing the issue on the ballot, cities can ensure all residents have a say in how their neighborhoods are shaped, guaranteeing a fair and balanced approach to urban mobility.

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World War III would be fought with drones, not humans or robots

by James Corbett

The image of mechanized drones filling the skies during the next major war is not a distant, hypothetical threat. Many countries are already developing military drone swarms.

If you were unsettled by the sight of thousands of drones lighting up the skies at the 2023 Dragon Boat Festival in Shenzhen, China, you’re more attuned to the future of warfare than if you found it “beautiful.” The rise of drone warfare is becoming a significant concern for humanity’s future. While robots like Boston Dynamics’ Spot are often showcased, they are still too large, slow, and clumsy for modern combat. Instead, the real threat lies in swarms of small, agile drones, already being weaponized by the military-industrial complex.

Drones have long been used by criminals for illicit activities like harassment and drug smuggling, leading law enforcement to push for more control, including surveillance powers. This creates a cycle of expanding control, and militaries are using similar rhetoric to justify the development of drone armies. The U.S. Navy, for example, is interested in creating swarms of thousands of small drones, while companies like Anduril are racing to build drone swarm technology, eagerly eyeing lucrative military contracts.

The U.S. is not alone in this arms race. China is also advancing its own drone swarms for future conflict. Russia, under attack from Ukrainian drones, has deployed its own swarms to strike Ukraine’s energy grid. Meanwhile, Israel has used drones in its ongoing conflicts with Palestinians and Lebanese forces, and Azerbaijan has employed Turkish-made drones in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, crediting them with destroying billions of dollars in Armenian military assets.

The drone wars of the future aren’t speculative—they’re happening right now. Countries around the world are racing to develop military drone swarms. In a potential World War III scenario, warfare will look nothing like the conflicts of the past. Gone are the days of human-piloted robots on battlefields. Instead, drones, capable of precision strikes and mass destruction, will dominate the skies.

These drone swarms won’t just be tools of large-scale warfare—they could also be used as instruments of terror, spreading fear on a global scale. The use of drone swarms could drastically change how wars are fought, not just in terms of physical battles but also in how psychological manipulation, such as terrorism, shapes public opinion and political power. Terrorism doesn’t only involve physical attacks—it thrives when technology and media combine to manipulate the public into a constant state of fear.

The use of drones to control or oppress populations is already evident in regions like Syria and Ukraine. These systems could be used by powerful governments to suppress dissent and tighten their control. The real threat isn’t just military aggression—it’s the manipulation of fear to justify global power dynamics and further control.

What can we do about this? While conventional firearms might protect us from certain threats, drones render them largely ineffective against governments armed with advanced technology. The answer may lie in developing counter-drone technologies, such as jammers, to defend against military drones. However, escalating the drone war on a personal level won’t solve the broader problem of how dangerous and destructive this technology can be.

Ultimately, we need to understand the implications of drone warfare and begin preparing for a future where these systems dominate the battlefield. Without awareness, we risk being caught off guard when the next war arrives—not on the ground, but in the skies above.

– Adapted from The Corbett Report, this is a short version. The full article is available at www.elreporteroSF.com in the column section.

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