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June, memory of a father and the duty to understand

José Santos Ramírez Calero. 1916 -2004
Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvín Ramírez

June arrives with mixed feelings. For many, it is the month of family celebrations and happy memories brought by Father’s Day. For me it is also that, but something deeper. It is the month when I return to the memory of my father, José Santos Ramírez Calero, whose passing came on June 12, 2004. Each June, the presence of a man who still lives inside me returns, through the blood we shared and through the lessons, vision, and love he planted in my life.

Memories of a father are often made of simple details. They are not always the great events that remain, but the small moments that time turns into treasures. I remember when he took me to a shoe store and bought me shoes I liked very much. I was about 3 or 4 years old. With his humor, he told me they were so strong I could break stones with them. I believed him. I tested that claim, and what broke was the tip of the sole. Today I smile because behind it was a father’s joy with his son.

I also remember when he took me to religious processions. I was small, and when tired, he lifted me onto his shoulders. When I came down, he told me, “you are heavy.” From up there, the world seemed wider and safer. Years later I understood that safety did not come from height, but from the trust a child places in his father.

My father also taught with simple words. He told me not to criticize others, to do my own work without worrying about what others did. When he saw that I could take the wrong path, he reminded me that I was not that kind of person. They were brief pieces of advice, but they stayed engraved in my conscience. With time, I understood they were principles.

For years I did not understand how deeply he had influenced my destiny. Later, when I attended university and chose journalism, I discovered something important. My father had given me a way of observing the world, a lasting curiosity, and a vocation to understand reality. He planted a vision. Many decisions I made later were born from seeds he had planted long before.

That is why his absence has never been complete. He is buried at Holy Cross Cemetery in Colma, but his presence still accompanies me. I remember him, and the way he died still hurts. He suffered from kidney cancer, a test too harsh for a person who had worked, struggled, and given so much. As a son, I felt he did not deserve that death. Some pains time softens, but never fully removes.

Perhaps that is why, when Father’s Day arrives, I also think of those who still have their fathers alive. Too often we take their presence for granted. We believe there will always be another conversation, another visit, another chance to say thank you. But one day memories replace the voice, and nostalgia takes the place of company. Then we understand what those gestures meant.

Fathers are not perfect. No human being is. They have virtues and defects, successes and mistakes, moments of greatness and weakness. Life, hardship, worries, and suffering can cause a person not always to act correctly. That is why I believe there must be room for forgiveness and understanding. Remembering does not mean idealizing. It means to understand those who did their best.

In this special month, I congratulate those who can still embrace their fathers. Use the time. Listen to their stories. Ask about their past. Tell them you love them while they can still hear it. And to those who no longer have them, may they find comfort in memories left behind. Even when there were wounds, it is worth trying to understand before judging.

As Saint Francis of Assisi said in his prayer, let us seek first to understand before being understood. Perhaps there lies one of life’s deepest lessons, and one of the best ways to honor our fathers: to understand their humanity, thank them for their love, and keep their memory alive.

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Dominicans celebrate 500 years in Mexico, the friars who have been evangelizers, insurgents and philosophers

Los primeros frailes dominicos iniciaron cinco siglos de ministerio en México. The first Dominican friars began five centuries of ministry in Mexico.

In 2026, the Dominicans complete 500 years in Mexico. These friars have contributed to our country not only faith, but also struggle and knowledge

by México Desconocido

In this year 2026, 500 years of the Dominicans in Mexico are being commemorated. Their work of evangelization began precisely in 1526, a short time after the conquest of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and was concentrated mainly in the southern part of our country. As the centuries passed and through the ups and downs of national history, the Dominican Order has continued to maintain a presence in the Mexican Republic. Its academic and intellectual work continues to enjoy enormous importance.

Demolición del Convento de Santo Domingo en la Ciudad de México en 1861. © Raíces. Demolition of the Santo Domingo Convent in Mexico City in 1861. © Raíces.

The Order of Saint Dominic of Guzmán

The Dominican Order, whose official name is the Order of Preachers, belongs to the Catholic Church. It was founded in 1206 by the Castilian priest Saint Dominic of Guzmán (1170-1221), in southern France. Years later, on December 22, 1216, Pope Honorius III officially approved it through a papal bull. Like their Franciscan brothers, this mendicant order had the objective of preaching the Gospel to the people of the cities of Medieval Europe. The work of Saint Dominic was a pastoral response to the heretical movement of the Cathars, which was very popular in Languedoc and Occitania. To accomplish this, the work was sustained through evangelical poverty, doctrinal formation, and the moral authority of its preachers.

Very early on, the Dominican Order gained political and intellectual relevance. Together with the Franciscans, they presided over inquisitorial tribunals. In the year 1231, Pope Gregory IX officially entrusted both orders with the task of investigating and judging cases of heresy. On the other hand, they developed a philosophical, scientific, theological, and mystical tradition of enormous relevance to the intellectual history of Europe in several universities of the Middle Ages. Among their most distinguished personalities in this field were Saint Thomas Aquinas, Saint Albert the Great, Meister Eckhart, Saint Catherine of Siena, and Saint Vincent Ferrer. Because of this, the name of the Dominican friars in Latin, Dominicanus, gave rise to their best-known nickname: the Domini canis, “the dogs of God,” a symbol of their religious mission.

Arrival of the Dominicans in New Spain

Following the conquest of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, which occurred on August 13, 1521, the evangelization of the Mesoamerican peoples began. For this purpose, the twelve Franciscan friars who initiated that task had arrived in 1524. Two years later, on July 2, 1526, twelve Dominican friars arrived, whose superior was Fray Tomás Ortiz. These religious men were Vicente de Santa Ana, Diego de Sotomayor, Pedro de Santa María, Justo de Santo Domingo, Pedro Zambrano, the deacon Gonzalo Lucero, and the lay brother Bartolomé de la Calzadilla, who came from Spain; from the island of Hispaniola came Fray Domingo de Betanzos, Fray Diego Ramírez, Fray Alonso de las Vírgenes, and the novice Vicente de las Casas.

In Mexico City they founded the Convent of Santo Domingo in the year 1527, and from there they formed four ecclesiastical provinces that included, in addition to the capital, the present-day State of Mexico, Puebla, Morelos, Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Guatemala. After various difficulties, they succeeded in strengthening their presence in New Spain and carried out an enormous work of evangelization. This is especially notable in the territories that today comprise the southern region of our country. As examples, one may cite the famous Former Convent of Santo Domingo in the city of Oaxaca, the Temple and Former Convent of Nuestra Señora de la Natividad in Tepoztlán, and the Temple of Santo Domingo in San Cristóbal de las Casas, among others.

Crisis of the Dominican Order in the 18th Century and Independent Mexico

Beginning in the 18th century, the Bourbon Reforms considerably eroded the power of the Dominican Order and other congregations in New Spain. Later, with the consummation of Mexico’s independence, the first reforms of the young nation diminished the influence of the Catholic Church and, consequently, of the friars themselves. All of this reached its culmination with the Constitution of 1857 and the Reform Laws, which definitively separated the State from the Church. This caused the Mexican province of the order to be dissolved and led many of its members to leave the country. Their convent complexes were confiscated and nationalized.

During the Porfirian era, the restoration of cordial relations between the Mexican State and the Catholic Church led Dominican friars from Spain to come and reorganize the order in national territory. This began a long process of restoration that extended through the 20th century, including important historical events such as the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917) and the Cristero War (1926-1929). Finally, in 1961, the Dominican province in Mexico was formally reestablished.

500 years of the Dominicans in Mexico: a historic milestone

The significance of celebrating 500 years of the Dominicans in Mexico is enormous. The reason is that this religious order, together with the Franciscans and Jesuits, influenced the formation of several cultural and religious characteristics of our country. In fact, the person responsible for strengthening, expanding, and officially establishing devotion to the Virgin of Guadalupe was Mexico’s second archbishop, the Dominican Alonso de Montúfar. Another highly significant member of the order was Fray Bartolomé de las Casas. This religious man denounced the crimes of the Spanish conquerors and defended the dignity of all Indigenous peoples. As if that were not enough, a Dominican friar was also a distinguished insurgent who fought for the independence of Mexico: Fray Servando Teresa de Mier.

Today, after the passage of the centuries, the Dominicans continue to have an important presence in our country. Honoring their history and intellectual tradition, they maintain first-rate academic and social centers. For example, one can find the Tomás de Aquino Center for Philosophical Studies (CEFTA) in León, Guanajuato; the Dominican Institute of Historical Research (IDIH) in the city of Querétaro; as well as the Fray Francisco de Vitoria Human Rights Center and the Centro Universitario Cultural (CUC) in Mexico City. In addition, distinguished Mexican Dominicans such as Mauricio Beuchot and Fray Julián Cruzalta have set important standards in philosophy and theology.

 

 

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World Cup fever grips Hispanic fans as Mexico opens with victory

El Estadio Ciudad de México luce repleto durante la ceremonia inaugural de la Copa Mundial FIFA 2026, el 11 de junio, antes del triunfo de México sobre Sudáfrica. Mexico City Stadium is packed during the FIFA World Cup 2026 opening ceremony on June 11, before Mexico’s victory over South Africa

by the El Reportero staff

The FIFA World Cup 2026 is officially underway, and Hispanic soccer fans have plenty to celebrate after Mexico opened the tournament with a convincing 2-0 victory over South Africa at the historic Estadio Azteca in Mexico City on June 11. Julián Quiñones scored the first goal of the tournament in the ninth minute, while veteran striker Raúl Jiménez added a second-half header to secure the win before a packed stadium and a global television audience.

The match was intense from start to finish, featuring three red cards. South Africa finished with nine players after two expulsions, while Mexico defender César Montes was sent off during stoppage time. The victory places El Tri atop Group A as they prepare for their next match against South Korea.

Before kickoff, Mexico City hosted one of the most spectacular opening ceremonies in World Cup history. The event showcased Mexican culture through colorful papel picado, traditional dancers, fireworks, and performances by some of the biggest names in Latin music. Colombian superstar Shakira and Nigerian singer Burna Boy performed the official World Cup anthem “Dai Dai,” while Alejandro Fernández, Belinda, J Balvin, Los Ángeles Azules, Maná, Danny Ocean, Lila Downs, and Tyla also took the stage.

The 2026 tournament is the largest ever, featuring 48 national teams competing across Mexico, the United States, and Canada. FIFA has introduced three separate opening ceremonies—one in each host nation—highlighting the diversity and cultural richness of North America.

For Hispanic fans, the spotlight remains on Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Uruguay, Ecuador, and other Latin American powers hoping to challenge defending champions and European favorites. Early attention is also focused on veterans Lionel Messi and Cristiano Ronaldo, who may be appearing in their final World Cups.

With more than a month of matches still ahead, the World Cup has already delivered unforgettable moments. Mexico’s opening victory and the electrifying celebration at Azteca have given Hispanic soccer fans around the world a dream start to football’s biggest event.

With reports from FIFA, Reuters, The Guardian and other media sources.

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Strawberries and pesticides: What consumers should know about washing and safety

by El Reportero staff

Strawberries are among America’s most popular fruits, prized for their sweet flavor, bright color, and nutritional value. They are rich in vitamin C, fiber, antioxidants, and other compounds linked to heart health and reduced inflammation. However, strawberries have also gained attention because they are frequently found to contain pesticide residues after harvest, raising concerns among consumers about food safety and proper cleaning methods.

The concern is not entirely unfounded. Commercial strawberry production often requires the use of pesticides and fungicides to protect crops from insects, mold, fungi, and diseases that can quickly damage berries. Strawberries are especially vulnerable because they grow close to the ground and have a soft, porous surface that can be affected by pests and environmental conditions.

Government testing programs in the United States routinely detect pesticide residues on strawberries. These findings have contributed to the fruit’s appearance near the top of annual produce residue rankings published by consumer advocacy groups. While the presence of residues may sound alarming, experts emphasize that residues found on strawberries sold in stores generally remain below federal safety limits established by regulatory agencies.

Still, many consumers prefer to reduce their exposure whenever possible. The good news is that proper washing techniques can help remove dirt, bacteria, and some pesticide residues from the surface of the fruit.

One of the most effective home methods involves using baking soda. Research has shown that a mild baking soda solution can help break down certain pesticide residues more effectively than plain water alone. To use this method, fill a bowl with approximately four cups of water and add one teaspoon of baking soda. Place the strawberries in the solution and allow them to soak for five to fifteen minutes. After soaking, gently move the berries around in the water, then rinse them thoroughly under cool running water.

Consumers should avoid soaking strawberries for extended periods because the fruit is delicate and may become soft, lose flavor, or spoil more quickly. Washing should also be done shortly before eating rather than before long-term storage.

Another important tip is to leave the green tops attached until after washing. Removing stems beforehand can allow water and contaminants to enter the fruit through the exposed opening, affecting texture and shelf life.

Some social media videos claim that strawberries contain chemicals that cannot be removed or that the fruit is saturated with dangerous substances. Experts caution that such claims often exaggerate the risks. While it is true that certain pesticide residues may remain even after washing, no evidence suggests that properly handled strawberries pose a significant health threat to most consumers.

Nutrition researchers consistently note that the health benefits of eating fruits and vegetables outweigh the potential risks associated with the low levels of pesticide residues typically found on produce. Avoiding fruits altogether because of pesticide concerns may deprive consumers of important nutrients that contribute to overall health.

For those who wish to further reduce exposure, organic strawberries are an option. Organic farming standards restrict the use of many synthetic pesticides, although some naturally derived pesticides are still permitted. Organic products can reduce exposure to certain chemicals, but they are not necessarily pesticide-free.

Consumers can also buy from local farmers and ask questions about growing practices. Many small farms use integrated pest management techniques that minimize pesticide use while protecting crops from damage.

Proper storage is another factor in maintaining strawberry quality. After washing and drying, strawberries should be refrigerated and consumed within several days. Moldy or damaged berries should be discarded promptly to prevent spoilage from spreading to other fruit.

In the end, consumers should be informed rather than alarmed. Strawberries remain one of the most nutritious fruits available. Understanding how they are grown, recognizing that pesticide residues can exist, and learning effective washing methods can help families enjoy the benefits of strawberries while reducing unnecessary exposure to contaminants.

The goal is not fear, but knowledge. A simple rinse, an occasional baking soda soak, and informed purchasing choices can go a long way toward helping consumers enjoy strawberries safely and confidently.

Sources: U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Food and Drug Administration (FDA), and published research on produce washing methods.

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San Mateo County approves $10 million for child care programs

Un grupo de padres dejando a sus hijos en una guardería. A group of parents dropping their children off at a daycare. Credit: (El Reportero/AI).

by the El Reportero staff

REDWOOD CITY — The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors has unanimously approved a $10 million investment to launch two new child care programs aimed at helping working families find affordable, accessible care.

The funding, approved June 9, will support a countywide child care navigation portal and a new Tri-Share pilot program. County leaders say the initiatives are designed to reduce financial barriers for families while strengthening the local workforce and economy.

The first program will create a one-stop online portal where parents can search for child care providers, apply for services, and determine whether they qualify for subsidies. Officials say the portal will simplify a process that many families currently find confusing and time-consuming.

The second initiative, known as Tri-Share, will help middle-income families who earn too much to qualify for traditional child care subsidies but still struggle to afford care. Under the program, child care costs will be shared among employers, participating families, and the county.

Supervisor Jackie Speier, who sponsored the resolution along with Supervisor Lisa Gauthier, said rising child care costs have become a major burden for local families. According to county estimates, annual child care expenses can exceed $30,000 per child, forcing many parents to make difficult financial decisions.

County officials also noted that businesses are affected when workers are unable to find affordable care. They estimate that child care challenges contribute to approximately $775 million in lost productivity each year across the region.

“This investment sends a strong message that children and families matter,” Speier said in a statement following the vote.

Gauthier said the programs were developed after extensive conversations with parents, providers, employers, and community organizations throughout the county. She emphasized that improving access to quality child care will help parents remain in the workforce while supporting children’s development and long-term success.

County Executive Mike Callagy called affordable child care “essential infrastructure” for a healthy economy and thriving communities.

The county conducted public meetings and reviewed proposals before selecting the technology company Tootris to administer both programs. The child care portal is expected to launch in fall 2026, while the Tri-Share program is scheduled to begin in January 2027.

Officials believe the investment will assist more than 1,000 families and create a foundation for future child care expansion efforts throughout San Mateo County.

Source: San Mateo County Executive’s Office.

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PAN files complaint with International Criminal Court against AMLO, alleging organized crime ties

El PAN afirmó que su denuncia expone “posibles crímenes de lesa humanidad” presuntamente cometidos por AMLO. The PAN said that its complaint sets out “possible crimes against humanity” allegedly committed by AMLO.

by Mexico News Daily

The National Action Party (PAN) has filed a complaint against Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) with the International Criminal Court (ICC), alleging that the former president forged pacts with criminal groups during his 2018-24 presidency.

The PAN — Mexico’s main opposition party — announced in a statement on Sunday that it filed a complaint with the Hague-based court “against the ex-president Andrés Manuel López Obrador and various criminal organizations so that possible individual criminal responsibilities derived from criminal-political pacts are investigated.”

Among the criminal groups named in the PAN’s 82-page complaint are the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, the Sinaloa Cartel, the Northeast Cartel and La Nueva Familia Michoacana, all of which were last year designated as foreign terrorist organizations by the U.S. government.

“In the territories under their control, these organizations have carried out, against specific civilian populations, a systematic pattern of conduct that includes murder, enforced disappearances, torture, forced displacement, forced recruitment and trafficking, as well as persecution of identifiable groups and other inhumane acts as defined in Article 7(1) of the [Rome] Statute,” states the complaint.

“… Elected political authorities and public officials of the Mexican state have engaged, in a systematic and deliberate manner, in acquiescence, tolerance, and, in numerous cases, both active and passive complicity with the perpetrating criminal organizations,” it says.

In its statement, the PAN said that its complaint sets out “possible crimes against humanity” allegedly committed by AMLO and others, “reflected in more than 200,000 homicides, over 150,000 missing persons, the forced recruitment of young people, the displacement of entire communities, and large regions of the country under the control of drug cartels.”

The party, which was last in government at a federal level during Felipe Calderón’s 2006-12 presidency, said that its complaint argues that Mexico’s current insecurity “is not the result of chance or isolated criminal developments.”

Rather, it is the result of “deliberate, calculated, and systematic permissive collaboration by the Mexican state, which allowed — or even invited — the establishment and hyper-empowerment of organized crime in Mexico,” the PAN said.

The party alleged that “different Morena [party] governments (mainly the 2018-24 federal government)” established a “political pact” with organized crime.

“The complaint also maintains that between 2018 and 2024, a deliberate policy of cession of sovereignty to organized crime was implemented, with emblematic cases in Sinaloa” — where one of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán’s sons was released shortly after he was arrested in 2019 — “Tamaulipas and Michoacán, among other states,” the PAN said in its statement.

“The narco-pact known as ‘hugs, not bullets‘ — the nickname of AMLO’s security strategy — “allowed criminal groups to expand their territorial, economic and political power, while the state relinquished full exercise of its authority,” the party said.

“The advancement of organized crime was not only tolerated, but it was allowed to replace the state in large areas of the country,” the PAN asserted.

In its statement, the party also mentioned “allegations and investigations about presumed ties between Morena actors and criminal organizations in entities such as Sinaloa, Sonora and Tamaulipas.”

The PAN said that “the cases” of Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya, who U.S. prosecutors accuse of drug trafficking in league with the Sinaloa Cartel, as well as Sonora Governor Alfonso Durazo and Tamaulipas Governor Américo Villarreal, who are reportedly under criminal investigation in the United States, “have deepened concern about the penetration of organized crime in political power.”

“For that reason, we turned to the International Criminal Court, in the face of national institutions that are increasingly less capable of guaranteeing independent investigations,” it said.

The PAN concluded its statement by pledging to “continue denouncing everything that has to be denounced.”

“We are and we always will be the voice of millions of people who clamor for justice for their loved ones and who know that a supposed transformation [promised by Morena] betrayed them. The victims deserve truth, justice and accountability. And sooner or later justice will catch up with the criminals,” the party said.

On its website, the PAN published a document confirming that its complaint had been received by the ICC. It would appear unlikely that the ICC would promptly launch, or launch at all, an investigation into AMLO’s alleged wrongdoings.

The National Action Party’s accusations against López Obrador and Morena are essentially the same allegations AMLO (and current President Claudia Sheinbaum) have made against the PAN and former president Calderón. López Obrador claimed that Mexico was a “narco-state” during Calderón’s presidency, pointing to accusations, and subsequently a conviction, against former Security Minister Genaro García Luna, who in February 2023 was found guilty of colluding with the Sinaloa Cartel.

AMLO also asserted that the militarized “war” against drug cartels launched by Calderón shortly after he took office in late 2006 was the main cause of the high levels of violence in Mexico that persisted during his six-year term in government.

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Follow the Money: Did special interests and historic spending buy California’s next governor?

Xavier Becerra y Steve Hilton emergen como los principales contendientes tras una histórica elección primaria marcada por gasto récord. Xavier Becerra and Steve Hilton emerge as the leading contenders following a historic primary election marked by record spending.

by Jeanne Kuang and Jeremia Kimelman – CalMatters

Published May 28, 2026 | Updated June 11, 2026

Campaign donations are both a measure of popular support and an indicator of which candidates special interests believe they can influence. Before the June primary, corporate political action committees, grassroots small-donors, and self-funding billionaires poured an unprecedented amount of cash into the race to succeed Gavin Newsom, making it the most expensive primary campaign in California’s history.

Now that election officials have tallied the bulk of the ballots, the ultimate test of all that money has played out. The real-world data reveals exactly where the money went, where the votes landed, and what it means for the upcoming November general election.

Outside corporate money successfully powered Xavier Becerra to the top

It was a record-breaking primary cycle for independent expenditure committees—outside groups that can accept unlimited donations. These entities reported spending over seventy-nine million dollars leading up to the primary, more than double the outside spending seen across the entire twenty-eighteen general election cycle.

A massive chunk of that cash was deployed to protect the status quo by backing the Democratic establishment candidate, former United States Health and Human Services Secretary and California Attorney General Xavier Becerra.

A coalition representing doctors, contractors, and several major labor unions spent more than thirteen million dollars through political action committees to boost Becerra. Major corporations hedged their bets heavily on him. Chevron, McDonald’s, dialysis giant DaVita, and prominent state oil driller California Resources Corporation each contributed five hundred thousand dollars to pro-Becerra independent groups. Tech giants Meta and Airbnb chipped in roughly one million dollars each. Health insurance corporation Centene, which runs California-based HealthNet, put in one hundred thousand dollars.

The establishment bet was a resounding success. Despite aggressive progressive pushback targeting his oil and corporate ties, the wave of institutional spending allowed Becerra to consolidate moderate and mainstream Democrats. The Associated Press officially projected Becerra as the first candidate to clinch a spot on the November ballot, leading the field with roughly twenty-seven percent of the vote.

Tom Steyer’s massive blitz crashed against a corporate wall

No one in California history has ever self-funded a campaign to the scale of billionaire climate activist Tom Steyer. By election day, Steyer’s personal spending topped an astonishing two hundred sixteen million dollars. He used his immense wealth to blanket the airwaves, pay social media influencers, and deploy mobile billboard trucks to hammer his opponents on gas station pricing.

However, Steyer’s progressive, anti-monopoly platform—which included promises to dismantle Pacific Gas and Electric’s monopoly in much of Northern California and reassess commercial property taxes—made him a massive target for corporate interests. Steyer had promised to pursue a ballot measure requiring more accurate property tax assessments on business properties, a move that threatened to upend the commercial real estate market.

A political spending committee called California Is Not For Sale poured thirty-two million dollars into relentless attack ads against Steyer. This opposition committee was heavily funded by a powerful network including the California Chamber of Commerce, the state Realtors association, Pacific Gas and Electric, and the state’s electrical workers’ union.

Steyer proved that money can buy a megaphone, but it cannot always buy an election. His history-making primary run blew past the previous ninety-four million dollar self-funding record set by Meg Whitman in twenty-ten, which equates to about one hundred forty-two million dollars today. Yet, it yielded a brutal return on investment. Steyer is currently marooned in a distant third place with twenty-one point five percent of the vote, shut out of the top-two runoff as voters seemingly developed fatigue from his non-stop media blitz. Progressive unions like the California Nurses Association and United Domestic Workers spent a comparatively modest one point four million dollars on mailers and digital media boosting Steyer, which was not enough to counter the opposition.

Silicon Valley’s multi-million investment in Matt Mahan evaporated

The tech sector believed it had found its champion in San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, a moderate Democrat who entered the race late to much fanfare from Silicon Valley. A wave of tech billionaires and venture capitalists—including Michael Moritz, Brian Singerman, DoorDash Chief Executive Officer Tony Xu, Intuit founder Scott Cook, Google co-founder Sergey Brin, and Los Angeles developer Rick Caruso—urged the mayor to run.

They were enamored with his platform of government efficiency and rigid opposition to new taxes, positions that would shield them from the Legislature’s growing appetite for artificial intelligence regulation and wealth taxes. Independent political action committees spent nearly twenty-two million dollars trying to launch Mahan into the stratosphere, vastly overshadowing the nine million dollars his own campaign managed to raise.

Mahan’s campaign was a spectacular failure. In the final weeks, committees began quietly returning money—including a one million dollar refund to Netflix Chief Executive Officer Reed Hastings, who cryptically posted on social media that he had not asked for the money back. The refund acknowledged that backers failed to raise a final ten to fifteen million dollars needed to move the needle. Mahan ultimately finished with a dismal three point nine percent of the vote, proving that Silicon Valley’s deepest pockets cannot manufacture statewide name recognition out of thin air in a matter of months.

Steve Hilton consolidated the grassroots base and a Trump bump

While Democrats slugged it out with multi-million dollar ad buys, conservative political commentator and former Fox News host Steve Hilton quietly built a massive grassroots operation. Hilton ran on a platform focused heavily on state affordability, slashing environmental regulations to build housing on undeveloped suburban land, and lowering middle-class income taxes.

Hilton amassed the highest number of raw individual campaign donors in the entire field, topping twenty thousand contributors. Reflecting his national media profile, nearly a quarter of those donors lived outside of California. Outside groups spent one point eight million dollars opposing him, but his fundraising experienced a distinct, late-stage surge after receiving an official endorsement from Donald Trump.

Hilton successfully consolidated the fractured California Republican electorate. He captured roughly twenty-six percent of the vote, holding a commanding lead over Steyer for the second general election spot. While millions of late mail-in ballots are still being processed by election officials, Hilton is heavily favored to hold his second-place position, setting up a traditional, high-stakes Democrat versus Republican showdown against Becerra in November.

Grassroots favorites fizzled out in the financial arms race

The campaign finance data from the final weeks accurately forecasted the collapse of other prominent campaigns that failed to keep up with the structural shift of funds.

Early in the cycle, groups like DaVita, the California Medical Association, and the California Professional Firefighters Association backed former Representative Eric Swalwell before he dropped out amid sexual assault allegations. An analysis revealed that after Swalwell dropped out, more than five hundred of his campaign donors immediately migrated to Becerra, cementing Becerra’s early establishment stranglehold. Meanwhile, Swalwell, who also resigned from Congress, continued using his inactive campaign committee to pay more than three hundred thirteen thousand dollars to an attorney defending him against the allegations, while refunding about two hundred fifty thousand dollars to roughly fifty donors.

Former progressive darling and progressive Congressmember Katie Porter boasted the second-highest donor count in the race, with more than fifteen thousand grassroots contributors. She prided herself on her headline-grabbing time grilling corporate chief executive officers in Congress, her reliance on grassroots donors, and her refusal to take corporate contributions. She also had the highest share of donors outside California, reflecting her national fame. However, her fundraising completely dried up by mid-May, bringing in less money than even the stalling Mahan campaign. That financial drought translated directly to the ballot box, where Porter finished a distant fifth with just four point five percent of the vote, as progressive voters looking for an alternative to the establishment ultimately broke for Steyer’s well-funded operation instead.

 

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Death of anti-corruption activist sparks calls for justice in Ecuador

Monika Silva Koniuszek

by the El Reportero staff

The death of anti-corruption activist and environmental advocate Monika Silva Koniuszek has sparked a strong reaction in Ecuador, where social organizations, environmental groups and human rights advocates are demanding a thorough investigation to clarify the circumstances surrounding her death.

Silva, who was born in Poland and had lived in Ecuador for several years, was known for her work as president of the La Integridad Foundation, an organization dedicated to promoting government transparency, citizen participation and public oversight. Her work focused primarily on the province of Santa Elena, where for years she denounced alleged irregularities involving land trafficking, administrative corruption, abuse of power and environmental conflicts.

The activist was found dead on June 8 at her residence in Montañita. Although Ecuador’s Office of the Attorney General opened an investigation to determine the cause of death, no official conclusions had been released by press time.

The news generated concern because of Silva’s long history of public complaints and the warnings she had issued regarding threats and intimidation connected to her work. Several Ecuadorian media outlets have recalled that the activist repeatedly spoke about pressure stemming from her investigations and citizen complaints.

Following news of her death, dozens of organizations issued a joint statement expressing their “deep consternation, outrage and sorrow” over the loss of someone they consider one of the most active voices in the fight against corruption and in defense of nature in Ecuador.

The statement says that “her death constitutes an event of extreme gravity” and argues that it cannot be viewed in isolation because of the environment faced by activists, community leaders, journalists and human rights defenders who expose corruption or abuses of power.

The organizations also emphasized that Silva “denounced alleged structures of impunity and corruption” and had publicly warned about the risks she faced because of her work. In one of the strongest passages of the statement, the signatories declared: “We hold the Ecuadorian State responsible for failing to respond adequately and effectively to the reports of threats and risks that Monika Silva made public.”

They further stated that the lack of timely protective measures may have left the activist in a vulnerable position while she continued exposing alleged irregularities that she believed were matters of public interest.

As the investigation continues, national and international organizations have called for transparency and a full review of all circumstances surrounding the case. For many Ecuadorians, the death of Monika Silva represents an important test for the institutions responsible for protecting those who expose corruption and defend citizens’ rights.

– With reports from Ecuavisa, Fundación La Integridad, Prensa Latina and Ecuadorian human rights organizations.

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The City and County of San Francisco encourage public outreach. Articles are translated into multiple languages ​​to provide better public access. The newspaper makes every effort to accurately translate articles of general interest. The City and County of San Francisco and the newspapers assume no responsibility for errors and omissions.

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Teochichimecas and the Origins of the Tlaxcaltecas

by the El Reportero staff

Long before the rise of the Aztec Empire, the ancestors of the Tlaxcalteca people undertook a migration that would shape the history of central Mexico. According to indigenous traditions and historical accounts, these ancestors were known as the Teochichimecas, a group whose origins are linked to the legendary place called Chicomoztoc, or the “Place of the Seven Caves.”

The Teochichimecas were among several peoples collectively referred to as Chichimecas, a term used in pre-Hispanic times to describe various groups living in northern and central regions of Mexico. While the word was later used in different ways by neighboring civilizations, many historians recognize the Teochichimecas as a distinct people who played a crucial role in the founding of Tlaxcala.

Tradition holds that the Teochichimecas left Chicomoztoc under the guidance of their patron deity, Camaxtli, embarking on a long journey southward. Their migration formed part of a broader movement of peoples seeking fertile lands and new opportunities. Along the way, they established temporary settlements, developed alliances, and adapted to changing environments.

Eventually, the migrants reached the highlands of central Mexico, where they settled in the region that would become Tlaxcala. There, they founded communities that grew into powerful city-states. Over time, these settlements developed a strong political and military identity, allowing them to resist domination by neighboring powers.

The Tlaxcaltecas became known for their fierce independence and their ability to maintain autonomy despite repeated conflicts with the Mexica, commonly known as the Aztecs. Their territory remained one of the few regions in central Mexico that the Aztec Empire never fully conquered.

When Spanish forces arrived in the early sixteenth century, the Tlaxcaltecas initially fought against them but later formed an alliance that would have a profound impact on the conquest of the Aztec Empire. The alliance altered the course of Mexican history and remains one of the most debated chapters of the colonial era.

Today, the story of the Teochichimecas continues to be an important part of Tlaxcala’s cultural heritage. Their migration, traditions, and resilience are remembered as foundational elements in the creation of one of Mexico’s most significant indigenous societies. Through historical records, oral traditions, and archaeological research, the legacy of these early people continues to illuminate the origins of the Tlaxcalteca nation.

– With reports from México Desconocido.

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