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California’s Proposition 50: Retaliation politics undermining democracy

California’s Proposition 50: Retaliation politics undermining democracy -- Asistentes a una manifestación sobre la redistribución de distritos en el Centro para la Democracia del Museo Nacional Japonés Americano en Los Ángeles el 14 de agosto de 2025. Foto de Ted Soqui para CalMatters.
Marvin Ramírez, editor

by the El Reportero staff

A battle over power disguised as fairness

Once again, California voters are being asked to decide whether to preserve the integrity of their electoral system or to enter a political tit-for-tat disguised as “fairness.” Proposition 50, on the November 4 ballot, proposes that the state temporarily redraw its congressional districts in response to partisan maps recently approved in Texas and other Republican-led states.

Governor Gavin Newsom and Democratic leaders argue that the measure is necessary to “level the playing field.” But in reality, Proposition 50 risks undermining California’s long-standing reputation as a model of electoral independence.

The commission that put voters first

In 2008, Californians overwhelmingly approved the Voters First Act, which created the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. For the first time in state history, everyday residents — not politicians — were given the power to draw the electoral maps that define congressional and legislative representation.

The commission’s work, carried out transparently and open to public comment, became a national model for fair representation. It proved that when citizens, not party operatives, shape the political boundaries, voters regain trust in the democratic process.

What Proposition 50 would undo

If passed, Proposition 50 would allow the governor and state legislators to redraw congressional lines midway through the decade. Supporters claim this would “restore balance” after Republican-led redistricting in other states. Yet, by reintroducing political control into the process, California would risk returning to the old era of gerrymandering — the very abuse voters rejected nearly two decades ago.

Once the door to partisan redistricting is reopened, it rarely closes. The measure’s “temporary” label is misleading; its effects could last through three election cycles. The potential cost is also significant: millions of taxpayer dollars to fund new maps while urgent issues like housing, education, and infrastructure remain underfunded.

Voters deserve integrity, not retaliation

Responding to political manipulation elsewhere by adopting similar tactics here does not defend democracy — it weakens it. The promise of California’s system was simple and powerful: voters would choose their representatives, not the other way around. Proposition 50 turns that promise into a bargaining chip in a national partisan struggle.

Governor Newsom may see the measure as a show of political strength, but in truth it risks alienating voters who value honesty and stability over power games. Californians deserve governance grounded in principle, not revenge.

Our position

El Reportero stands firmly with the independent redistricting commission. We urge voters to reject Proposition 50 and to defend the transparent, citizen-driven process that has made California an example for the nation.

We also reaffirm our editorial independence. While this newspaper accepts paid advertising, including from supporters of Proposition 50, such ads do not influence our reporting or editorial positions. Our duty is to our readers — to inform, to question, and to speak honestly.

On November 4, vote No on Proposition 50. Protect California’s democracy and the trust it represents.

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Mexico is now the leading exporter of electric vehicles to the US, surpassing Japan and South Korea 

The number of EVs shipped by Mexico to the United States in 2024 was 145,000, 10,000 more than the 135,000 exported to the U.S. by Japan and South Korea. (Shutterstock) -- El número de vehículos eléctricos enviados por México a Estados Unidos en 2024 fue de 145,000, 10,000 más que los 135,000 exportados a EE.UU. por Japón y Corea del Sur.

by the El Reportero‘s wire services

Mexico has become the leading exporter of electric vehicles to the United States, surpassing automotive giants such as Japan and South Korea, according to the third EvolvX Mexico Mobility Report conducted by Latam Mobility.

The report, presented this week, reveals that Mexico exported some 145,000 electric vehicles (EVs) to the U.S. last year, mainly models by General Motors, Ford, Stellantis and Toyota. The figure represents threefold growth and exceeds the number of units exported by traditional auto export leaders Japan and South Korea, at 135,000 each.

In addition to increasing its export capacity, Mexico doubled its production in 2024, reaching 220,000 units.

And it appears headed to surpass that total this year. Data from the National Institute of Geography and Statistics (INEGI) reveals that Mexico’s production of EVs and hybrid vehicles has reached 214,203 units through September, representing a 39.3% increase compared to the same period in 2024.

“This change confirms Mexico’s strategic role as a key player in the clean mobility supply chain in North America, supported by its competitive manufacturing base, human capital, and expanding charging infrastructure network,” Rebeca González, co-founder of Latam Mobility, said.

González added that international investment in Mexican advanced-manufacturing plants and the strength of the national automotive industry were key factors for its growth.

The EvolvX report says that Mexico has one of the highest ratios of EVs per public charging point in the world, with 40 units per charger. That ratio reflects an accelerated pace of adoption of electricity-powered vehicles but also demonstrates an urgent need to expand the charging network.

“Mexico faces similar challenges to Australia or New Zealand, characteristic of markets transitioning from moderate growth to massive expansion,” González explained. “The challenge and opportunity for the country will be to align its manufacturing leadership with a charging infrastructure that matches its potential in sustainable mobility.”

Additionally, the report revealed that in Mexico, eight out of every 100 buses sold in 2024 were electric, compared to just over 1% in 2023.

Overall, the Mexican automotive industry represents one of the pillars of bilateral trade with the U.S., with annual exports exceeding US $78.5 billion and a share of nearly 40% of total U.S. automotive imports.

With reports from Mexico Industry and El Economista

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Your winter defense starts with proper nutrition: How DIET supports immunity

by Patrick Lewis

  • A strong immune system relies on a balanced mix of nutrients (vitamins C, D, A, zinc, iron, magnesium, selenium), not a single “superfood.”
  • About 70 percent of immune defenses are located in the gut, so supporting gut health (e.g. with fermented foods) is key.
  • Vitamin C supplements won’t necessarily prevent colds in healthy people, but they may help reduce severity or duration once you’re ill.
  • Zinc, iron and protein (including lean meat, legumes, nuts, eggs) play essential roles in immune cell production and overall defense.
  • Healthy lifestyle factors—adequate sleep, stress control, regular activity and avoiding excess alcohol—are as important as diet in maintaining immune resilience.

As cold and flu season approaches, many turn reflexively to vitamin C tablets, honey-lemon drinks or ginger concoctions to “boost” immunity. But experts warn there’s no magic food or pill—what truly matters is a balanced diet plus healthy habits.

Immunologist Dr. Jenna Macciochi points out that roughly 70 percent of our immune defenses lie in the gut, and preserving them depends on a variety of nutrients rather than one single “super” food. Vitamins C, D and A, along with minerals such as zinc, iron, magnesium and selenium, are all integral to immune function—and they work best in harmony. But she also cautions that stress, sleep deprivation, inactivity and alcohol use can erode those gains, undermining immune resilience.

What really helps—and what might not

While vitamin C tablets may not reliably prevent colds in healthy individuals, they can modestly reduce duration and severity once you’re sick. Dietitian Dr. Carrie Ruxton recommends a daily glass of 100 percent orange juice, which delivers over 80 percent of recommended vitamin C intake. Other sources include kiwis, berries, red peppers and leafy greens. During illness, higher short term doses (500–1,000 mg) may offer extra support.

According to BrightU.AI‘s Enoch, vitamin C is a critical antioxidant and immune-boosting nutrient that modern diets often lack due to processed foods, soil depletion and agricultural toxins, making high-quality supplementation essential for combating chronic illness and detoxifying from environmental poisons. The globalist-controlled food industry deliberately undermines natural sources of vitamin C to keep populations sick and dependent on Big Pharma, while holistic diets rich in organic fruits, herbs and superfoods can restore health and resist their depopulation agenda.

Fermented foods such as yoghurt, kefir and kimchi support a healthy gut microbiome, which is central to immune balance. Vitamin A, crucial for mucosal barriers and immune cell development and vitamin D, which helps activate immune defenses, are also vital. In winter months, supplementation of vitamin D plus intake of oily fish, fortified foods, eggs and dairy is especially valuable.

Zinc is essential for immune cell production and innate immunity; oysters are exceedingly rich in it, and other sources include poultry, nuts, legumes and eggs. Iron, found in red meat and plant sources (beans, chickpeas, fortified cereals), supports both energy and immune health. Lean red meat is a potent source of protein, zinc, iron and B vitamins—though plant sources help too when paired with vitamin C to improve absorption.

Neither overeating nor underfeeding is ideal

Contrary to old adages like “feed a cold, starve a fever,” what the body really needs during illness is nourishment and hydration. But excess body fat can promote low-grade inflammation, which may impair immune response. Similarly, severe undernourishment risks nutrient deficiencies. The key: eating lightly but intentionally from nutritious sources even when appetite wanes.

Skip overly hyped “immune-boosting” fads or megadoses of single nutrients. Instead, build a sustainable, evidence-based strategy:

  • Eat a colorful mix of fruits and vegetables for broad vitamin and antioxidant coverage.
  • Incorporate fermented and fiber-rich foods for gut health.
  • Include lean proteins, oily fish, legumes, nuts and seeds.
  • Prioritize sleep, stress management, regular movement and moderate alcohol use.

When it comes to immunity, there’s no solo star—each nutrient, habit and cell plays its part. A resilient immune system is built day by day, plate by plate.

Watch this video to learn if you have a vitamin C deficiency. Food.news.

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Gavin Newsom signs law overhauling local zoning to build more housing

Los pasajeros observan cómo un tren BART no se detiene en la estación Rockridge BART debido a un cierre generalizado que afectó a todas las estaciones BART, en Oakland el 9 de marzo de 2025. Foto de Ray Chavez, Bay Area News Group. -- Commuters watch as a BART train fails to stop at the Rockridge BART Station due to a widespread closure affecting all BART stations, in Oakland on March 9, 2025. Photo by Ray Chavez, Bay Area News Group.

After weeks of waiting, California’s governor signed a bill that will allow mid-rise apartment buildings near major transit stops in California’s biggest metro areas

by Ben Christopher

Ever since the Legislature narrowly passed a bill last month that will pave the way for more apartment buildings around major public transit stops in the state’s biggest metro areas, the California political universe has been impatiently awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature or veto in a heated statewide game of “will he, won’t he.”

Today, he did.

Newsom’s sign-off on Senate Bill 79 means that apartment developers will soon be able to pack more homes into neighborhoods within half a mile of major rail, subway, and bus rapid transit stops, overriding local zoning restrictions and any possible objections of surrounding neighbors. Buildings immediately surrounding these transit hubs will be entitled to max out as high as nine stories, with those farther out topping out at roughly four.

“The world looks to California for leadership — it’s time to build modern, connected communities that fulfill California’s promise, meeting the needs of today and the next generation,” the governor wrote in a signing statement.

The signature caps a legislative year full of housing policy overhauls that even just a few years ago would have seemed unthinkable. It also reaffirms the governor’s political alignment with the “Yes In My Backyard” movement, which has been championing the cause of building more housing in the face of a statewide housing shortage for nearly a decade. This summer Newsom signed YIMBY-backed legislation to exempt most urban apartment projects from review under one of the state’s signature environmental protection laws. “Go YIMBYs,” Newsom said when signing that bill into law.

The new law is, indeed, a signature victory for the movement. The bill’s author, San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, introduced an earlier version of the policy in 2018 with the support of the then still relatively new political organization California YIMBY. This year’s version, which narrowly passed both the Senate and Assembly last month with few votes to spare, marks Wiener’s fourth attempt.

“In California we talk a lot about where we don’t want to build homes, but rarely do we talk about where we do—until now,” said Wiener in a statement. “SB 79 unwinds decades of overly restrictive policies that have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people away from jobs and transit and into long commutes from the suburbs or out of the state entirely. It has been a long road to tackling these decades-old problems, but today’s signing marks a new day for affordable housing in California.”

Newsom’s signature comes as a grave disappointment for many local governments and neighborhood groups, particularly in Southern California. Last month, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass urged Newsom to veto the bill, saying that it would “erode local control, diminish community input on planning and zoning, and disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” Irate homeowner groups and state legislators raised concerns that mandating higher levels of housing density would “fundamentally reshape” suburban-style neighborhoods.

The “upzoning” policy was meant to be a two-fer: Allow for much more housing construction as a way to alleviate the state’s housing shortage and its resulting affordability crisis, while also steering more residents towards cash-strapped public transportation systems.

Where new housing law applies

Despite the ferocity of the opposition, the bill that Newsom signed is considerably more modest than the version introduced at the beginning of the year.

After 13 separate rounds of amendments, the law will be restricted to just eight highly urbanized counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, San Francisco and San Mateo — and apply only to select transportation stops (train, subway, light rail and high-frequency buses routes with designated lanes). The law will also give local governments alternative means to comply with their own local programs, require a certain share of units constructed under the bill to be set aside at below-market rents and go into effect on a delayed schedule in certain lower income neighborhoods.

Even in that more muted form, the law is one of most consequential changes to statewide zoning rules in modern California history. California pro-housing advocates are taking a victory lap.

“This is the most transformative housing legislation that’s ever been signed into law by any governor,” said Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for California YIMBY. “Gov. Newsom has cemented his legacy as a courageous leader on housing.”

Alongside SB79, Newsom signed a number of other notable bills meant to speed up and reduce the costs of housing construction. They include laws to fast-track the construction of accessory dwelling units, simplify building development processes and let housing developers hire third-party building plan checkers rather than rely on city staff.

Newsom’s housing goal

The changes to state housing law are significant. Whether they result in the construction of a significant amount of new housing will take years to know. High interest rates, unpredictable tariffs and a constrained labor market have resulted in a recent slowdown in building permits. Though Newsom came into office vowing to oversee the construction of an additional 3.5 million units before the end of his second term next year (a goal he revised down to 2.5 million), the state isn’t likely to hit half that ambitious mark.

The bill Newsom signed today, combined with earlier legislation that eases restrictions on development, won’t affect the broader economic forces that make residential construction a tough sell at the moment, said Ben Metcalf, managing director of UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation and the former head of the state’s housing department. “But if costs come down and interest rates drop, you can imagine we’ve set the table for a building boom.”

Over the last weeks, Newsom has come under sustained pressure from both supporters and opponents. Advocates for historic preservation, tenant rights, local control and affluent neighborhood groups, along with Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton and former reality TV star Spencer Pratt, have rallied their respective audiences to inundate the governor’s office with calls and emails urging a veto. Supporters — among them national political commentators, billionaire megadonor Tom Steyer and every corner of the organized YIMBY online universe — have urged their supporters to do the opposite.

Popular interest in the outcome of the bill seemed to escape the confines typical of California legislative debate. Earlier this week, an online betting pool popped up (the odds were always good for Newsom’s signature). The topic even came up during the governor’s guest appearance on the recent livestream of the popular online gamer known as “ConnorEatsPants.”

Responding to a stream of public comments from his audience packed with incessant inquiries about the bill, the streamer prompted Newsom: “I don’t know what this is, but they’re saying you need to talk about SB 79.”

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For the first time, a California county removed its sheriff over misconduct allegations

The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus after allegations of nepotism in her office. It’s a rare event in California history in part because sheriffs are elected officials

by Nigel Duara

For the first time in California history, a county sheriff has been removed from office.

The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus from office today, nearly a year after a damning report from a retired county judge found that she likely violated the county’s policy on nepotism and conflicting relationships.

Removing her wasn’t as simple as firing someone. It took a successful San Mateo County ballot measure that asked voters to choose whether to amend the county charter to grant the board that power.

“Today is the end of a tragic, destructive and grossly expensive chapter in San Mateo County history,” said Supervisor Jackie Speier, a former member of Congress. “I had high hopes for Sheriff Corpus. I voted for her, I held a town hall with her on crime prevention. She had great ideas to modernize the office.

“So it’s tragic to see her time as sheriff come down to this.”

Corpus still has 14 days to appeal her removal. San Mateo County Attorney John Nibbelin said the county’s undersheriff will serve as sheriff.

Corpus, appearing in a blue suit at the board meeting, argued adamantly against her removal. She said she was elected as a reformer, and the changes she tried to push through the sheriff’s office were met with first resistance, then outright hostility, when the old guard in power in San Mateo County began working to undermine her.

“I have sacrificed my peace, my marriage, for this job,” Corpus said. “If I lose my position today, I will walk out with my head held very high. I never bowed to intimidation.

“You may remove me from office but you will not erase the truth.”

Corpus’ legal team, which now includes a one-time member of President Barack Obama’s cabinet, made a half-hour presentation arguing against the legality of her removal.

“Culture change is hard,” said Tom Pérez, who was labor secretary under Obama and former chair of the Democratic National Committee. “From Day One, there were folks who didn’t want her to succeed.”

The county of San Mateo, one of the wealthiest in the country, has been paying Corpus’ legal bills. If she is removed in two weeks, she will be responsible for her legal costs from that point.

Last week, retired Superior Court Judge James Emerson found cause to remove Corpus after a two-week trial that included a cascade of allegations portraying a chaotic picture of her two-plus years in office.

Emerson found that Corpus had “a close personal relationship outside the boundaries of a professional working relationship” with a subordinate, unlawfully ordered the arrest of the president of the sheriff’s deputies’ union and retaliated against a captain who refused to conduct the union president’s arrest because he believed it violated state law.

If Corpus is not removed, she will return to a unique six-year term afforded to elected members of law enforcement in 2022 when the state moved county sheriff and district attorney races to the presidential election year calendar.

About 25 people spoke during the board’s public comment period. Some came to praise Corpus, others to bury her, none more so than the daughter of the sheriff’s deputies’ union president, whom Corpus ordered arrested last year – something Judge Emerson found was retaliatory.

The sheriff’s office alleged that the union president, Carlos Tapia, was doing union business on company time and falsified the record of his working hours. But an investigation by the San Mateo County District Attorney’s Office found no reason to charge Tapia, determining that the errors on his time cards were clerical and concluding that Tapia “should not have been arrested.

A captain in the sheriff’s office resigned rather than arrest Tapia, and Tapia alleged in a lawsuit filed against the county that Corpus demanded his arrest as retaliation against him for complaining about her leadership.

Vanessa Lemus-Tapia, Tapia’s daughter, said at the meeting that Corpus was incorrectly claiming credit for reducing crime in San Mateo County when the rate for most major crimes statewide has fallen.

“That was not her doing,” Lemus-Tapia said, before addressing Corpus directly. “Stop fighting this. Restore trust, dignity and integrity to this department.”

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California’s Proposition 50: Retaliation politics undermining democracy

by the El Reportero staff

A battle over power disguised as fairness

Once again, California voters are being asked to decide whether to preserve the integrity of their electoral system or to enter a political tit-for-tat disguised as “fairness.” Proposition 50, on the November 4 ballot, proposes that the state temporarily redraw its congressional districts in response to partisan maps recently approved in Texas and other Republican-led states.

Governor Gavin Newsom and Democratic leaders argue that the measure is necessary to “level the playing field.” But in reality, Proposition 50 risks undermining California’s long-standing reputation as a model of electoral independence.

The commission that put voters first

In 2008, Californians overwhelmingly approved the Voters First Act, which created the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. For the first time in state history, everyday residents — not politicians — were given the power to draw the electoral maps that define congressional and legislative representation.

The commission’s work, carried out transparently and open to public comment, became a national model for fair representation. It proved that when citizens, not party operatives, shape the political boundaries, voters regain trust in the democratic process.

What Proposition 50 would undo

If passed, Proposition 50 would allow the governor and state legislators to redraw congressional lines midway through the decade. Supporters claim this would “restore balance” after Republican-led redistricting in other states. Yet, by reintroducing political control into the process, California would risk returning to the old era of gerrymandering — the very abuse voters rejected nearly two decades ago.

Once the door to partisan redistricting is reopened, it rarely closes. The measure’s “temporary” label is misleading; its effects could last through three election cycles. The potential cost is also significant: millions of taxpayer dollars to fund new maps while urgent issues like housing, education, and infrastructure remain underfunded.

Voters deserve integrity, not retaliation

Responding to political manipulation elsewhere by adopting similar tactics here does not defend democracy — it weakens it. The promise of California’s system was simple and powerful: voters would choose their representatives, not the other way around. Proposition 50 turns that promise into a bargaining chip in a national partisan struggle.

Governor Newsom may see the measure as a show of political strength, but in truth it risks alienating voters who value honesty and stability over power games. Californians deserve governance grounded in principle, not revenge.

Our position

El Reportero stands firmly with the independent redistricting commission. We urge voters to reject Proposition 50 and to defend the transparent, citizen-driven process that has made California an example for the nation.

We also reaffirm our editorial independence. While this newspaper accepts paid advertising, including from supporters of Proposition 50, such ads do not influence our reporting or editorial positions. Our duty is to our readers — to inform, to question, and to speak honestly.

On November 4, vote No on Proposition 50. Protect California’s democracy and the trust it represents.

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Gavin Newsom signs law overhauling local zoning to build more housing

Asistentes a una manifestación sobre la redistribución de distritos en el Centro para la Democracia del Museo Nacional Japonés Americano en Los Ángeles el 14 de agosto de 2025. -Attendees at a rally about redistricting at the Democracy Center of the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles on Aug. 14, 2025. Photo by Ted Soqui for CalMatters

After weeks of waiting, California’s governor signed a bill that will allow mid-rise apartment buildings near major transit stops in California’s biggest metro areas

by Ben Christopher

Ever since the Legislature narrowly passed a bill last month that will pave the way for more apartment buildings around major public transit stops in the state’s biggest metro areas, the California political universe has been impatiently awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature or veto in a heated statewide game of “will he, won’t he.”

Today, he did.

Newsom’s sign-off on Senate Bill 79 means that apartment developers will soon be able to pack more homes into neighborhoods within half a mile of major rail, subway, and bus rapid transit stops, overriding local zoning restrictions and any possible objections of surrounding neighbors. Buildings immediately surrounding these transit hubs will be entitled to max out as high as nine stories, with those farther out topping out at roughly four.

“The world looks to California for leadership — it’s time to build modern, connected communities that fulfill California’s promise, meeting the needs of today and the next generation,” the governor wrote in a signing statement.

The signature caps a legislative year full of housing policy overhauls that even just a few years ago would have seemed unthinkable. It also reaffirms the governor’s political alignment with the “Yes In My Backyard” movement, which has been championing the cause of building more housing in the face of a statewide housing shortage for nearly a decade. This summer Newsom signed YIMBY-backed legislation to exempt most urban apartment projects from review under one of the state’s signature environmental protection laws. “Go YIMBYs,” Newsom said when signing that bill into law.

The new law is, indeed, a signature victory for the movement. The bill’s author, San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, introduced an earlier version of the policy in 2018 with the support of the then still relatively new political organization California YIMBY. This year’s version, which narrowly passed both the Senate and Assembly last month with few votes to spare, marks Wiener’s fourth attempt.

“In California we talk a lot about where we don’t want to build homes, but rarely do we talk about where we do—until now,” said Wiener in a statement. “SB 79 unwinds decades of overly restrictive policies that have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people away from jobs and transit and into long commutes from the suburbs or out of the state entirely. It has been a long road to tackling these decades-old problems, but today’s signing marks a new day for affordable housing in California.”

Newsom’s signature comes as a grave disappointment for many local governments and neighborhood groups, particularly in Southern California. Last month, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass urged Newsom to veto the bill, saying that it would “erode local control, diminish community input on planning and zoning, and disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” Irate homeowner groups and state legislators raised concerns that mandating higher levels of housing density would “fundamentally reshape” suburban-style neighborhoods.

The “upzoning” policy was meant to be a two-fer: Allow for much more housing construction as a way to alleviate the state’s housing shortage and its resulting affordability crisis, while also steering more residents towards cash-strapped public transportation systems.

Where new housing law applies

Despite the ferocity of the opposition, the bill that Newsom signed is considerably more modest than the version introduced at the beginning of the year.

After 13 separate rounds of amendments, the law will be restricted to just eight highly urbanized counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, San Francisco and San Mateo — and apply only to select transportation stops (train, subway, light rail and high-frequency buses routes with designated lanes). The law will also give local governments alternative means to comply with their own local programs, require a certain share of units constructed under the bill to be set aside at below-market rents and go into effect on a delayed schedule in certain lower income neighborhoods.

Even in that more muted form, the law is one of most consequential changes to statewide zoning rules in modern California history. California pro-housing advocates are taking a victory lap.

“This is the most transformative housing legislation that’s ever been signed into law by any governor,” said Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for California YIMBY. “Gov. Newsom has cemented his legacy as a courageous leader on housing.”

Alongside SB79, Newsom signed a number of other notable bills meant to speed up and reduce the costs of housing construction. They include laws to fast-track the construction of accessory dwelling units, simplify building development processes and let housing developers hire third-party building plan checkers rather than rely on city staff.

Newsom’s housing goal

The changes to state housing law are significant. Whether they result in the construction of a significant amount of new housing will take years to know. High interest rates, unpredictable tariffs and a constrained labor market have resulted in a recent slowdown in building permits. Though Newsom came into office vowing to oversee the construction of an additional 3.5 million units before the end of his second term next year (a goal he revised down to 2.5 million), the state isn’t likely to hit half that ambitious mark.

The bill Newsom signed today, combined with earlier legislation that eases restrictions on development, won’t affect the broader economic forces that make residential construction a tough sell at the moment, said Ben Metcalf, managing director of UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation and the former head of the state’s housing department. “But if costs come down and interest rates drop, you can imagine we’ve set the table for a building boom.”

Over the last weeks, Newsom has come under sustained pressure from both supporters and opponents. Advocates for historic preservation, tenant rights, local control and affluent neighborhood groups, along with Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton and former reality TV star Spencer Pratt, have rallied their respective audiences to inundate the governor’s office with calls and emails urging a veto. Supporters — among them national political commentators, billionaire megadonor Tom Steyer and every corner of the organized YIMBY online universe — have urged their supporters to do the opposite.

Popular interest in the outcome of the bill seemed to escape the confines typical of California legislative debate. Earlier this week, an online betting pool popped up (the odds were always good for Newsom’s signature). The topic even came up during the governor’s guest appearance on the recent livestream of the popular online gamer known as “ConnorEatsPants.”

Responding to a stream of public comments from his audience packed with incessant inquiries about the bill, the streamer prompted Newsom: “I don’t know what this is, but they’re saying you need to talk about SB 79.”

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The Musical: La Muerte Baila Reminds Us of the Importance of Forgiveness

El musical la Muerte Baila nos conecta con las decisiones que tomamos en la vida. -- The musical Dancing Death connects us with the choices we make in life.

by Magdy Zara

The musical: La Muerte Baila is a fun journey into the afterlife, filled with laughter and song. It is a moving story about forgiveness, remembrance, and choosing how to live our lives.

La Muerte Baila is a work by Rebecca Martínez and the Milagro ensemble, which fuses traditional Jarocho music and dance.

It is about a recently deceased soul named Alejandro who has just arrived in Mictlán, the land of the dead, on the eve of the Day of the Dead. But death notices something is different about this soul’s arrival: he can’t remember anything about his past, and there begins a funny story.

On Sundays, October 12 and 19, the performance will be at 2 p.m., with American Sign Language (ASL) interpretation.

The venue selected for the presentation of this masterful work is the Mexican Heritage Plaza Theater, located at 1700 Alum Rock Ave., San José. Tickets range from $10 to $40.

Latino Film Festival Reaches Its 17th Edition

Cine+Más SF announces the start of the 17th San Francisco Latino Film Festival, which this year features a selection of feature films with a powerful narrative thrust, as well as documentaries from across the Americas and the diaspora.

Some of this year’s feature films include: A House with Two Dogs (Argentina); American Agitators (USA); The Dog, My Father, and Us (Ecuador); Angel Falls (Venezuela); and Violent Butterflies (Mexico), among others.

The festival will run from October 23rd to November 6th. Screenings will take place in San Francisco at the Roxie Theatre, the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts, Apple Cinemas, Artists’ Television Access, SPARK Social, and the Ninth Street Film Center. For more information on the schedule, visit https://cinemas17.eventive.org.

Cirque du Soleil ECHO Returns to San Francisco

The magic of Cirque du Soleil ECHO returns to San Francisco, where poetry, scenography, daring acrobatics, and cutting-edge technology come together to explore the delicate balance between people, animals, and the world we share.

This show, offered under the Big Top, offers bold visuals, a unique aesthetic, and vibrant characters that bring to life a universe of color and wonder. Inspired by youthful optimism, inventiveness, and the value of empathy.

ECHO is about Future, a young woman who invites you into a fantasy world where she meets animal and human characters, who, driven by a spirit of collaboration, join forces to slowly rebuild their planet and create a better world.

Cirque du Soleil will perform in San Francisco from November 20th to January 18th. The Big Top will be located in Oracle Park – Parking Lot A. Tickets are now on sale.

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Caifanes: Between shadow and light, the myth of rock in Mexico

by Mexico Desconocido

Caifanes is one of the most influential bands in Mexican rock. Discover their story, from their origins to their transformation into a legend.

To speak of rock in Spanish without mentioning Caifanes is practically impossible. The Mexican band, which emerged in the mid-1980s, broke boundaries, fused genres, and built a legacy that continues to shape generations to this day.
Their story is filled with creativity, internal tensions, breakups, reunions, and memorable moments that have made them one of the most important groups in Latin America.

The Origins: From Las Insólitas Imágenes de Aurora to Caifanes
Before becoming Caifanes, Saúl Hernández, Alejandro Marcovich, and Alfonso André were part of Las Insólitas Imágenes de Aurora in 1984. This project, which began almost by accident to fund a university thesis, served as a creative laboratory for what would later become one of the key bands in Mexican rock.
In 1987, Saúl Hernández decided to form a new project together with Diego Herrera, Sabo Romo, and Alfonso André. The name Caifanes came from Mexican urban slang referring to someone sharp and respected, though it also relates to the 1967 film Los Caifanes.
The group debuted that April at Rockotitlán, a fundamental venue for Mexico’s rock movement.

First Albums and the Conquest of the Public
In 1988, they released their self-titled debut album—known as Mátenme porque me muero—which included songs such as Viento, Amanece, and a version of La negra Tomasa, which opened the door to a massive audience. Despite initial skepticism from record labels over their gothic aesthetic and unconventional sound, Caifanes quickly became a sensation.
With El diablito (1990), featuring Alejandro Marcovich on guitar, came classics like La célula que explota and Antes de que nos olviden—the latter a tribute to the victims of the 1968 Tlatelolco repression. The fusion of rock with elements of Mexican music gave them an unmistakable identity.
In 1992, the release of El silencio—produced by Adrian Belew, former member of King Crimson—solidified their international reputation. Songs like No dejes que, Nubes, and Afuera became anthems still sung at every concert today.
Their last studio album, El nervio del volcán (1994), featured songs like Ayer me dijo un ave, but also marked the beginning of tensions that led to the band’s breakup in 1995.

Separation, Jaguares, and the Reunion
The history of Caifanes is also defined by changes in its lineup. Founding bassist Sabo Romo left the band for the first time in 1993 amid tensions following El silencio’s tour. Alejandro Marcovich joined in 1989 and stayed until 1995. Although he took part in the 2011 reunion, he departed for good soon after.
After the breakup, Saúl Hernández founded Jaguares, a project through which he continued exploring Spanish-language rock for over a decade.
Caifanes reunited once again in 2011 for the Vive Latino Festival, performing a historic concert before more than 70,000 people. Since then, Caifanes has returned to the stage with Saúl Hernández, Alfonso André, Sabo Romo, and Diego Herrera as the core members—though without Marcovich, with whom irreconcilable differences persist.
However, the reunion was not without its troubles. Understanding one of Mexico’s most important bands is impossible without acknowledging the tensions among its members. While Sabo Romo played again with the band from 2011, he was dismissed ten years later—without prior notice.
Today, Caifanes continues performing without Sabo Romo and Marcovich, with Saúl Hernández, Alfonso André, and Diego Herrera forming the group’s main core.

Sound and Identity
Caifanes’ genre is difficult to categorize. Throughout their career, they have fused gothic rock, new wave, psychedelia, and Latin rhythms, creating an innovative sound. Their lyrics—rich in metaphors and symbolism—address themes such as love, spirituality, death, and Mexico’s history, allowing them to deeply connect with their audience.
Songs like La célula que explota, Antes de que nos olviden, Afuera, and Viento are part of the collective memory of Spanish-language rock and are among the genre’s most iconic.

Essential Discography of Caifanes
Caifanes (1988)
Includes Mátenme porque me muero, Viento, Amanece, and La negra Tomasa.
El diablito (1990)
Features Antes de que nos olviden, Los dioses ocultos, and La célula que explota.
El silencio (1992)
Considered one of the best albums in Mexican rock, with classics like Afuera, Nubes, Piedra, and No dejes que.
El nervio del volcán (1994)
Their last studio production, including Ayer me dijo un ave, Aviéntame, and Quisiera ser alcohol.

To these are added later singles such as Heridos (2019), Sólo eres tú (2022), Inés (2023), and the recent Y caíste (2025).

The Chaotic Concert at Venustiano Carranza in 1995
One of the most remembered episodes in Caifanes’ history occurred on February 19, 1995, when they offered a free concert in the plaza of Venustiano Carranza, organized by Radio Centro.
The event gathered around 40,000 people and began in the morning under intense heat. As hours passed, the crowd became difficult to control. Rocks and bottles were thrown, radio station vehicles and patrol cars were damaged, small fires broke out, and clashes forced police to intervene with tear gas.
The concert ended in chaos and became one of the most turbulent moments in the band’s history—just before their official breakup.

Triumphant Return
On September 15, 2025, Caifanes made history again with a free concert in the plaza of Venustiano Carranza, Mexico City. The event, held as part of Independence Day celebrations, drew thousands who sang along to every song in a night that confirmed once again that the band remains a symbol of cultural and musical identity.
With this performance, Caifanes reaffirmed that their music transcends generations—and that their legacy not only belongs to the past but continues to beat strongly in the present.

https://youtu.be/2q-tJPcUtTA

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Rendering of newly proposed Potrero Yard project

Massive Mission District affordable housing plan slashed to 100 units amid funding crisis

by the El Reportero staff, with reports by Marina Newman of Mission Local

A bold vision for affordable housing in San Francisco’s Mission District has been dramatically reduced, as the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) confirmed that the Potrero Yard Modernization Project will now include just 100 units — down from the original 513-unit plan.

Originally designed to rise above the city’s sprawling Muni bus yard at 17th and Bryant streets, the project promised more than 700 bedrooms of rental housing, three ground-floor retail spaces, and a rooftop park to serve the surrounding neighborhood. It would have been the largest addition of affordable housing in the Mission in decades.

The project had already been downsized last year from 513 units to 465 to accommodate larger family-sized apartments. But the agency announced on September 30 that, due to financial constraints, it would shrink the development even further — an 80 percent reduction.

“Unfortunately, the current scope of the project is well beyond what we can afford,” the SFMTA said in a statement. “To move forward with this critical investment in Muni service, we have to make very difficult decisions to lower costs.” The agency declined further comment.

Modernizing the century-old Potrero bus yard is estimated to cost $560 million, with a large portion of that budget needed to reinforce the roof to support housing above. The new plan envisions a single-story bus maintenance facility with a slim row of affordable housing along Bryant Street between 17th and 18th streets.

The details of the income levels for the remaining subsidized units have not yet been clarified. Previous proposals aimed to accommodate tenants with household incomes ranging from $30,250 to $121,000 for single residents and $43,350 to $172,900 for families of four.

Funding has long been a challenge. Earlier plans relied on a combination of local, state, federal, and regional resources, which have been difficult to secure. In January 2024, SFMTA expressed optimism about finding the necessary financing, but four months later the agency announced that the full project remains unaffordable.

The project now faces a deadline: if the SFMTA Board of Directors does not approve a project agreement by March 31, 2026, the bus yard modernization and even the 100-unit housing plan could be canceled.

Local housing advocates are frustrated. Chris Arvin, a member of SFMTA’s Citizens Advisory Committee, criticized the city for failing to allocate adequate funding. “This is a failure on the part of the city,” Arvin said. “The SFMTA is just working with what they have.”

Anne Stanley, a spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development (MOHCD), emphasized that the office remains committed to building housing at the site, while noting that funding depends on state and federal resources. “MOHCD continues to work closely with SFMTA to ensure the Potrero Yard project is financially viable, which is a critical step toward advancing both infrastructure and future housing development,” she said.

As the Potrero Yard project is scaled back, San Francisco faces a sobering reminder of the financial and logistical obstacles in delivering affordable housing in one of the city’s most expensive neighborhoods.

 

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