Tuesday, July 23, 2024
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Russian navy foils pirate attack on Panamanian ship off West Africa

by the El Reportero‘s wire services

 

Russia’s navy has foiled an attempt by pirates to hijack a Panama-registered container ship off West Africa, the Russian defence ministry has said.

The MSC Lucia was en route to Cameroon from Togo when it sent out a distress call on Monday that was picked up the Russian destroyer Vice-Admiral Kulakov.

A unit of Russian marines were dispatched by helicopter to the Lucia’s aid, the defence ministry statement said.

The pirates immediately fled, allowing the marines to free the ship’s crew.

Photos of the mission were posted by the defence ministry on Facebook:

The Russian destroyer was patrolling the Gulf of Guinea as part of international efforts to improve security there.

The waters off West Africa’s oil-rich coastline have been some of the most dangerous in the world for shipping in recent years.

 

Ecuador president calls for dialogue with Indigenous protesters

Dozens of people arrested during demonstrations and highway blockades to protest against rising fuel prices

Indigenous and rural Ecuadorans have blocked roads in several provinces on the second day of protests against rising fuel prices amid a state of emergency as the president called for dialogue.

Ecuador’s President Guillermo Lasso, a conservative ex-banker who took office in May, on Wednesday said his government would keep security forces on highways to maintain order.

Last Friday, Lasso announced a 12 percent increase in fuel prices, which have nearly doubled since last year, bringing the price of diesel to $1.90 a gallon ($0.50 a litre) and $2.55 a gallon ($0.67 a litre) for petrol, setting off the largest protests since he took office.

“I call once more for dialogue, for consensus, for thinking of the good of the country and not of personal, party or union interests,” Lasso said on Wednesday during a military ceremony. “In these moments of economic recovery, it’s time to be united.”

Demonstrators argue the increased cost falls unfairly on regular citizens already struggling economically because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Ecuador Confederation of Indigenous Nations (CONAIE), the group who called the protests, wants fuel prices capped at $1.50 a gallon ($0.39 a litre) for diesel and $2 a gallon ($0.53 litre) for petrol.

“The government has messed up, pushing fuel prices up all the time,” protester Dennis Viteri, a 28-year-old textile worker told AFP on Wednesday at a blockade northeast of the capital Quito.

Viteri and others used soil, tree trunks and burning tyres to block a portion of the Pan-American highway which connects Quito with Colombia

Demonstrators have disrupted traffic in at least five of Ecuador’s 24 provinces.

Security forces fail to prevent 2,000-strong migrant caravan heading north from Tapachula

Police in riot gear were unable to stop the crowd from overcoming a police line

 

by Ben Wein

 

A large migrant caravan is heading north after leaving Tapachula, Chiapas, where National Guard troops in riot gear were unable to stop it despite a blockade across the highway on Saturday.

As many as 2,000 migrants set off from Bicentenario Park in Tapachula at around 7 a.m. and marched north up the main highway. The National Guard attempted to block their path near the town of Viva México but the front of the caravan charged the police line and, amid chaotic scenes, crowds of people ran past the authorities, who were unable to deter the surge.

By Sunday night the caravan had arrived in Huehuetán, having met no serious attempt to stop it, though immigration officials, National Guard officers, the army and the navy were seen traveling on the highway.

The majority of the migrants are from Central America. Pregnant women, seniors, one person in a wheelchair and many families pushing strollers with young children are among the convoy. Many said they had asylum claims or that the living conditions in their countries were intolerable. The caravan’s leader, Mexican-U.S. activist Irineo Mújica of Pueblos Sin Fronteras, or Peoples Without Borders, said the goal of the march was to travel to Mexico City, but many migrants said they were committed to reaching the United States.

The convoy’s first major milestone is Huixtla, about 40 kilometers north of Tapachula. Organizers said the success of the march could depend on whether officials try to obstruct the caravan near there. From there, the group plans to move toward the state capital Tuxla Gutiérrez, about 330 kilometers farther north, from which Mexico City is another 840 kilometers.

Most of the migrants are poorly prepared, many wearing unsuitable shoes and walking in extremely hot conditions. They sleep in the warm open air without tents or cover. There is no system for the migrants to be fed and one woman was treated for exhaustion Sunday morning.

The convoy’s leaders are keeping one lane of the three-lane highway open to passing traffic. However, sometimes the migrants stray into the third lane causing traffic to build up behind.

Representatives from the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) said the caravan was smaller than previous ones, but recognized a considerable presence of pregnant women and children.

Guatemalan, Salvadoran, Honduran, Nicaraguan and Venezuelan are the principal nationalities, but Cubans, Colombians, Ghanaians, Nigerians, a Chinese family, and at least one Panamanian are also part of the convoy.

Haitians, thousands of whom are in Tapachula, have not joined the caravan in large numbers.

The group slept in the small town of Álvaro Obregón Saturday night. The atmosphere was peaceful and local merchants appeared pleased with the sudden increase in business. They spent Sunday night in similar conditions in Estación de Huehuetán, and were well received by locals.

Faith plays an important role in caravans, also known as the “Migrant’s Way of the Cross,” a term that relates to the Catholic pilgrimage tradition. The caravan is spearheaded by a large wooden cross, which is normally carried by Salvadoran Víctor Manolo Contreras. He blamed corrupt Salvadoran governments for mass migration.

“The rich and the politicians are always looking to benefit themselves … we came from 30 years of disgraceful governments. They robbed with their hands full and finished the country,” he said.

Caravan leader Mújica is a devout Catholic and another leader, Mexican Luis García Villagrán of the Center for Human Dignity, is an evangelical Christian.

García said the spirit of the caravan would help it overcome obstructions in a speech on Saturday night. “There are more than 1,000 men, young men, we are more than them … They [security forces] try to look the part with a uniform and a helmet. But we are guided by our hearts, we are guided by necessity, we are here to survive,” he said.

Representatives from CNDH and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are following the caravan in an observational capacity. Officials from the National Immigration Institute (INM) are providing medical assistance. Mexican human rights NGOs and Save the Children are also present.

Tapachula is the modern Casablanca: a city flooded with migrants, desperately awaiting their papers, which may never arrive. Their legal status is increasingly clouded: they have been banned from leaving Tapachula while they await the outcomes of their applications to the government refugee organization Comar and the INM. However, both agencies have buckled under the pressure of migrant influxes leaving undocumented migrants waiting for responses to applications without any reliable time frame.

The INM has not responded to applications for residence for more than two years in some cases, the newspaper El Orbe reported.

Many of the migrants who enter Mexico illegally quickly become well acquainted with the INM, which sends them to the prison-like migrant detention centers that it runs. Their imprisonment is called “rescue” by federal officials.

Mexico News Daily

Focusing on financial health: charting the path toward your next milestone

Parents carrying children piggyback outdoor

Sponsored content from JPMorgan Chase & Co.

 

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Man and child Riding Bicycle

Unheard, overlooked and exposed: how COVID-19 took a toll on California’s indigenous farmworkers

by Abraham Márquez and Zaydee Sánchez

Palabra

 

Editor’s Note: This article was produced as a project for the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s 2021 California Fellowship.

Friday, October 15, 2021 – The hour hand strikes 3 am. It is still dark out. Silvia’s cell phone vibrates, and her madrugada, her pre-dawn ringtone, goes off for the first time.

The scene repeats itself every morning for Silvia García, who described how something like muscle memory automatically moves her hand toward the snooze button.

Five more minutes of eye rest, she said, like a morning mantra.

“We are up early because I have to wake my kids up and get them ready for the rest of the day, and also get to the fields,” said García, an indigenous farmworker from Mexico’s Guerrero state.

García works farm fields in California’s Central Valley. After many years of this work, getting up so early is still not easy. She puts in long shifts across six days of the week, in blistering summer heat and winter’s cold. Today, routine body pains and soreness are the bad fruit of her labor.

García and her husband are farmworkers, and after dropping the kids off at her parent’s house on a recent summer morning, they are harvesting fruit by 4:30 a.m.

García is not alone. Labor statistics say 407,300 workers, mostly Mexican and many undocumented, prepare, maintain and harvest fruit, nuts and vegetables up and down the nation’s richest agricultural state.

But often overlooked in these numbers is a growing population of farmworkers for whom even Spanish is a foreign language. At least 165,000 of California farmworkers are believed to be migrants from indigenous communities in Mexico. The coronavirus pandemic has exposed them to serious gaps in health care. Even before COVID-19, doctors, vaccines and medicine were well out of reach of indigenous migrant workers who live in fear and mistrust on the margins of U.S. society.

A recent study of California’s farm hands revealed that very few migrants of indigenous origin are covered by medical insurance; six of every 10 indigenous migrant women have not visited a doctor in the U.S. Moreover, as one indigenous farmworker said, the sick from his community are more likely to be willing to cross back into Mexico — despite the danger and cost — than face uncertainty and a perceived threat of deportation in California clinics and hospitals.

This inequity comes amid a pandemic that has proved acutely lethal to Latinos in the U.S. One study says it has shaved three years from the average U.S. Latino’s life expectancy.

ONE OBSTACLE AFTER ANOTHER

All this turned García into a health care activist. Despite the fear of exposing her family and being pregnant with her fourth child, she took on a second job, visiting homes of indigenous immigrant laborers to assess their health needs. Yes, migrating to a new life in the United States has offered new opportunities and a better life to García and her family. But it’s come with a price, she said. Much of the same fear and racism her family experienced as indigenous people in Mexico followed them to the U.S. “I don’t want more people like me to experience the same challenges; I want to change that.”

García was born in a small town near Mexico’s southern Pacific Coast. Tlapanec was the first language in her home, even though her parents were reluctant to teach it to her.

“My parents taught me to speak Spanish and not Tlapanec; they didn’t want me to experience the racism my older brother did,” García said in a recent interview with palabra and the Center for Health Care Journalism.

In Guerrero, as in other Mexican states with significant indigenous and Black populations, discrimination in jobs, education, and delivery of social services is rampant. In 2020, the Mexican National Institute of Statistics and Geography released a study, the National Survey on Discrimination, that revealed “24 percent of indigenous people had experienced discrimination and 75.6 percent felt under-valued.” As of 2020, 15 percent of the population in Guerrero spoke a native language, according to a national educational survey, Información de México para niňos.

“The journey through the desert to get here was one of the hardest things I’ve experienced,” García said. She was nine years old when her parents decided to migrate north. After the physical challenge, they arrived in a country where a majority speaks English and the other primary language is Spanish. Her parents didn’t speak English and their Spanish was limited. As a child, she had to become the family translator.

“At first, when I was little, we didn’t go outside a lot or look for (healthcare) services because we were scared of (deportation),” Garciía said.

“I was afraid of putting my family at risk,” said García, who was pregnant with her fourth child and yet decided to add the second job. “I had to change my routine because I was being exposed to people.”

ISOLATED BY LANGUAGE

García is among a population of indigenous farmworkers in California that, according to one study, speak 23 different languages. Most arrived from 13 different Mexican states. More than half speak Mixteco and another 30 percent speak Zapoteco. These are the dominant indigenous languages in the Mexican state of Oaxaca and the country’s south-central region. Tlapaneco, García’s family’s language, is spoken by just under 10 percent of California’s farmworker community.

Diversity in languages poses an obstacle for California officials hoping to extend pandemic health care services into the state’s rural reaches.

“Indigenous farmworkers are at a severe disadvantage when it comes to obtaining health care in California. They access care at rates far below the general population and decidedly lower than other Mexican-origin farmworkers,” according to the indigenous farmworker study. A telling statistic: While 86 percent of women in California have seen a doctor, the number drops to 75 percent of women farmworkers, and then to 62 percent among indigenous women.

The indigenous population is one of the poorest in California and is routinely under-represented in U.S. health care, according to the farmworkers study.

“Only nine percent of indigenous Mexican interviewees were covered (by health insurance) and nineteen percent of their spouses,” the study said. Health insurance covers 31 percent of the non-indigenous farmworker population, and their children are more likely to have some type of coverage if they were born in the United States. If a family lives below the poverty line, publicly funded healthcare programs are available.

THE PANDEMIC THREAT

Even before COVID-19, to reduce the family’s exposure to pesticides, many workers followed routines of showering and washing clothes right after their shifts. Yet 90 percent of farmworkers have altered their after-work behavior: they change out of work clothes and shoes before entering the home, according to the COVID-19 Farmworker Study conducted by a coalition of researchers.

It’s evidence that farmworkers recognize their vulnerability in the pandemic. That said, García added, most indigenous migrants — herself included — are hesitant to talk about the pandemic’s impact on their mental health.

“I keep saying I am fine, that I am okay because I have no choice but to work and provide for my family,” García said.

The National Center for Farmworkers Health insists that greater cultural understanding of indigenous farmworkers is needed in order to address their mental health needs. In a study the center found that, “Numerous culture-bound illnesses that are widely acknowledged, including susto, nervios, mal de ojo, empacho, coraje, and ataques de nervios” — trauma and maladies like eye infections and gastritis.

While deep studies of farmworker mental health are rare, California data does provide evidence that at least one of every five “farmworkers have a history of major psychiatric disorder.”

“Working the fields and raising a family, I work from 3 a.m. to 8 p.m. I don’t have time to seek therapy,” García said, even as she acknowledged the benefit of getting help.

Others are starting to open up as well, at least privately, García said. In her home visits, workers talk about the anxiety, stress, and fear that are part of their daily lives because of the fear of deportation. The pandemic has worsened their outlook, she said, as indigenous migrants now also fear infection and job loss.

LANGUAGE AS A HEALTHCARE OBSTACLE

The variety of indigenous languages spoken in California’s farm fields reflects the diversity of Mexico’s indigenous people. There they speak 68 officially recognized native languages which in turn are subdivided into more than 350 linguistic variants.

For decades, indigenous people from Mexico have migrated north to find work and a path out of poverty. Along the way, though, they face cultural and linguistic obstacles that hinder access to health care. A large number come from remote communities in Mexico and start out on the migrant trail with low understanding of medical terminology and services, and the bureaucracies that frame health care. Women are hesitant to speak to male doctors and nurses, especially about reproduction and sexuality.

Because of mistrust and the high cost of uninsured health care in California, many migrant workers seek services in Mexico. Even the undocumented will go to doctors in Tijuana and risk dangerous and expensive crossings back into the United States.

“When they get seriously ill, they go to Mexico, and afterward they brave the border to get back. Few use the medical services (in California),” said a 36-year old Triqui farmworker in the Salinas Valley.

Not even 19 months of a pandemic have stemmed a reluctance made worse by a fear that law enforcement will discover them. People with no representation or legal status have avoided hospitals during the pandemic “out of fear that their information might be released to ICE,” said Ismael Castro, a project manager at Building Healthy Communities organization in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles.

Despite the best intentions of some lawmakers and activists, there are not enough indigenous language interpreters.

“Interpreting is always required under state and federal law, that also includes Indigenous language interpreters too,” said Marisa Lundin, legal director of the California Rural Legal Assistance organization.

California’s Central Coast farmlands, around Ventura, lead the state in hiring indigenous-language interpreters, mostly Mixteco speaking, reflecting the local farmworker population. But even there, few services exist for Zapotec and Triqui speakers, the second and third most common languages in the fields.

Elsewhere, compliance with the medical interpreter rule is hard to find. From the fields where Garcií works, near Kingsburg, the nearest hospital or emergency clinic is 12 miles away. No one there speaks Tlapaneco, and they don’t have translators on stand-by. Staff at the facility said that with some lead time, they can find a Mixteco translator. This gap can cause critical delays in emergencies.

More often, hospitals rely on patients to bring someone who can translate, even a child. This is risky, experts said, as it can lead to misunderstandings of technical terms and procedures.

COVID-19 AND VACCINE INFORMATION

Garcií said that because of the language barrier, indigenous farmworkers are not well informed about professional health care clinics and frequently don’t know where to go when they are ill. This is no fault of their own, she said. And, farmers are not held responsible for providing such information. In 2020, this dynamic became an acute concern. Early in the pandemic, death rates were high in urban communities. But the pattern reversed, and rural areas have seen increased death rates.

Death rates show that low-wage workers and immigrant communities are at higher risk of infection and death. Therefore, getting the right information about the virus and vaccines translated into the right language can be life-saving.

Motivated to help her indigenous community, García started working for Centro Binacional Para el Desarrollo Indígena Oaxaqueño. “My schedule was the same; I will show up at 4 am or 5 am at the fields, but (now) to provide them with information about COVID-19 testing and safety measures they can practice,” García said.

The organization turned García into a bridge of information, from mainstream U.S. healthcare to her indigenous community.

What she preaches is the scary reality about COVID-19 and California’s Central Valley. The virus attacks the lungs and respiratory system, and the valley’s air is notoriously laden with pesticides, dust and petrochemical pollution. A region that stretches from Bakersfield to Stockton ranks amongst the highest in California for asthma and asthma-related hospitalizations.

García’s advocacy with the United Farm Workers Foundation has also been a channel for her drive to educate migrants about free essential services, such as not having to pay a fee to apply for protection from deportation through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), COVID-19 vaccine events, food-distribution sites, and even masks and hand sanitizers.

ONE DEATH TOO MANY

Last June, 39-year old Guillermo Gomez, a farmworker in rural Orange Cove and the sole provider for his family, drove himself to a hospital when he had trouble breathing. Doctors told him he’d be home in three days. But then he was intubated. And after a six-week battle with the coronavirus, he died, leaving behind his son William, and wife, who is also a cancer survivor.

Gomez’s death is just one among the many tragedies that have struck essential worker communities across the United States. University of Purdue researchers say “about 9,000 agricultural workers in the U.S. have died of COVID-19 and nearly a half-million have been infected.”

Structural inequalities in U.S. healthcare and economic systems increase the risk of exposure and mortality for farmworkers. They believe they cannot miss work. And unlike most other laborers, farmworkers don’t have comprehensive workplace rights. For example they don’t automatically get sick pay or vacation time. If they have to take time off, it’s often money out of their pocket.

The coronavirus has cut life expectancy for everyone in the United States. But for Black and Latino populations it now means three to four years shorter life spans than for white people.

California does not collect data on recipients’ occupations, so it is unclear how many farmworkers have been vaccinated. However, throughout Central Valley’s fields, mobile vaccination clinics can be found. In addition, the UFW Foundation hosts vaccination events each month.

“In the early stages, we were struggling with getting farmworkers vaccinated,” said Jorge Medrano, an organizer with the UFW Foundation. “Once we were able to get testimonies from some indigenous farmworkers that got vaccinated, that helped us a lot, they were able to talk to their own community.” It takes time, patience, and empathy, Medrano added, to build trust with the indigenous community.

FROM FARMWORKER TO ACTIVIST

“We took the streets and marched in Washington, D.C. and chanted so that Congress could hear us,” García said, recalling the UFW protest she joined this fall in Washington, D.C.

The march was in support of the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, which would provide undocumented farmworkers and their families clearer paths to citizenship.

The bill, passed by the U.S. House of Representatives but stalled in the Senate, is fuel for García’s activism.

“I am driving to Bakersfield and other areas to help with translating vaccine and health care information into Tlapanec and Nahuatl,” García said.

Legalization is needed to help overcome the farm industry’s chronic complacency about the health and well-being of the workers it relies on, García said. Ultimately, she added, healthcare information should be available in all languages to avoid confusion.

Companies that own the fields do not provide information on where workers can access health care services or vaccine information. She said that’s an injustice, and it has her determined to start a new organization to provide all manner of information, but especially about health care, to indigenous-language communities.

“If we educate more people in their language about health care services, the virus, and the vaccine, we can save lives,” García said.

Abraham Marquez and Zaydee Sanchez reported this story while participating in the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism‘s 2021 California Fellowship.

[This article was originally published by Palabra].

SFO Marketing Communications Community Outreach/Arturo Sandoval in concert in SF

2017 Cancer Blows concert at the Meyerson.

Learn about SFO’s Marketing Communications needs. Network with other interested firms. Register for future bidding opportunities

 

Compiled by the El Reportero’s staff

 

In connection with such outreach, SFO is currently interested in the following high-level areas of expertise and level of interest in:

  • Marketing Communications Strategy, Analytics, and Technology
  • Brand Management
  • Integrated Marketing Campaigns
  • Social Media strategy, campaigns & Influencers
  • Creative Content Development (e.g. print, digital, video, virtual)
  • E-commerce solutions/ integrations
  • Advertising and Media Placement
  • Drupal Website Development, SEO, Digital UX/UI design
  • Web & App development
  • Special Events/ Online Meetings/ Hybrid Meetings
  • Internal Communications
  • Media Relations

SFO is conducting an online community outreach session to help inform an upcoming Request for Qualifications (RFQ) for Marketing Communications Services.

SFO team members will be available to answer questions about SFO’s Marketing Communications needs, and answer questions on how to register and bid for professional services with The City & County of San Francisco.

Attendees will also have the chance to network with other individuals and firms for possible future collaboration and will receive an email invitation to attend the Pre-Proposal Conference, which will be the formal kick-off to the RFQ process.

Date and Time

Tuesday, October 26, 2021 from 10 a.m. – 11:30 a.m. PDT

Register here:

https://www.eventbrite.com/e/sfo-marketing-communications-community-outreach-tickets-192545397467

 

Six time Billboard award winner

A protégé of the legendary jazz master Dizzy Gillespie, ARTURO SANDOVAL was born in Artemisa, a small town in the outskirts of Havana, Cuba, on November 6, 1949, just two years after Gillespie became the first musician to bring Latin influences into American Jazz. Sandoval began studying classical trumpet at the age of twelve, but it didn’t take him long to catch the excitement of the jazz world. He has since evolved into one of the world’s most acknowledged guardians of jazz trumpet and flugelhorn, as well as a renowned classical artist, pianist and composer.

He is one of the most dynamic and vivacious live performers of our time, and has been seen by millions at the Oscars, at the Grammy Awards, and the Billboard Awards.

Sandoval has been awarded 10 Grammy Awards, and nominated 19 times; he has also received 6 Billboard Awards and an Emmy Award. The latter for his composing work on the entire underscore of the HBO movie based on his life, “For Love or Country” that starred Andy Garcia as Arturo. His two latest Grammy award winning albums, “Dear Diz “Everyday I think of you” and Tango “Como Yo Te Siento” are now available worldwide. Arturo Sandoval’s newest CD, Eternamente Manzanero. Performing the music of revered Mexican romantic pianist/singer/songwriter, Armando Manzanero, this is a true labor of love. Performing Senor Manzanero’s music with co-headliner Jorge Calandrelli, the album is a fresh, modern and pleasant take on his beautiful bolero music.

Recently released, is a new book chronicling his relationship with Dizzy Gillespie entitled “The Man Who Changed My Life” Arturo also is the 2013 recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Sandoval was a founding member of the Grammy Award-winning group Irakere, whose explosive mixture of jazz, classical, rock and traditional Cuban music caused a sensation throughout the entertainment world. In 1981, he left Irakere to form his own band, which garnered enthusiastic praise from critics and audiences all over the world, and continues to do so.

At Yoshi’s, 510 Embarcadero West, Oakland, CA 94607, on Nov. 26 – 28, call (510) 238-9200 or for more information, contact Melody Lisman 818-297-4124 or melodylisman@gmail.com.

Mexico seeks Oscar nomination for Prayers For the Stolen as best foreign film

Alfonso Cuarón’s Roma is the only Mexican film to have won a best foreign film Oscar

 

Mexico’s shot at glory at next year’s Academy Awards rests on the shoulders of a film that tells a story about cartel violence in Guerrero.

Tatiana Huezo’s Prayers For The Stolen (Noche de Fuego in Spanish) was selected by the Mexican Academy of Arts and Cinematographic Science as the candidate for nomination in the best foreign film category.

If chosen as a nominee, it would be the 10th Mexican film to compete for the prize: in 2019, Alfonso Cuarón’s Roma became the first Mexican film to win the award.

Prayers For The Stolen tells the story of three girls in the Guerrero Sierra who live amid a backdrop of gunshots and narcos while they battle to maintain their innocence.

The 110-minute film has already taken honors: it won the best film award in the Latin Horizons section of the San Sebastián Film Festival in Spain and secured the special mention in the uncertain regard (from another angle) category at the Cannes Film Festival, where 20 films with unusual styles and non-traditional stories are presented.

Huezo, who is of Salvadoran and Mexican heritage, dedicated her Cannes recognition to Latin American women who are “teaching [their daughters] that they can be free.”

Mayra Batalla, Norma Pablo and Alejandra Camacho star in the film.

Prayers For The Stolen was chosen by the Mexican film academy’s selection committee ahead of Arturo Ripstein’s Devil Between The Legs (El Diablo Entre Las Piernas), Samuel Kishi’s The Wolves (Los Lobos), Fernanda Valadez’s Identifying Features (Sin Señas Particulares), Alonso Ruizpalacios’ Netflix original film A Cop Movie (Una Película De Policías) and Yulene Olaizola’s Traffic Jungle (Selva Trágica).

The Mexican film academy chose The Wolves to represent Mexico in Spain at next year’s Goya Awards in the Ibero-American film category.

The 94th edition of the Oscars will take place on March 27. The 36th Goya Awards will be broadcast from Valencia on Feb. 12.

 

2nd Annual Latin GRAMMY Awards® Nominees

The Latin Recording Academy® has announced the nominees for the 22nd Annual Latin GRAMMY Awards®, the preeminent international honor and the only peer-selected award celebrating excellence in Latin music. The Latin GRAMMYs® are voted on by The Latin Academy’s international membership body of music creators who represent all genres and s, Paloma Mami, Marco Mares and Juliana Velásquez, features an incredible slate of nominees. The Latin Recording Academy takes pride in the diversity within this category, as it has been an ongoing commitment of the organization to ensure that all creators see a future for their music in the industry.

 

There is still no “hundred-employee” vaccine mandate

by Jon Rappoport

 

First, the broad strokes. Just over a month ago, Biden directed the Department of Labor and OSHA to develop the details of a COVID vaccine mandate for all US companies with 100 or more employees.

It appears (but it is not certain) that this mandate will allow several escape hatches: medical and religious exemptions, and weekly testing as a substitute for vaccination.

If there are exemptions, we don’t know under what terms they’ll be permitted.

The Department of Labor has not yet issued the regulations framing and detailing this mandate.

Indeed, as the law firm Eckert Seamans states on its website: “The President did not give a deadline or timeframe for the New COVID ETS [Emergency Temporary Standard], but it is likely to take weeks or months to be issued. Though it is a simple directive on its face, there are complex issues that OSHA will have to work out in preparing the ETS. Moreover, even though it is an emergency standard, OSHA still must build a basis for meeting the statutory criteria for emergency standards, and that takes time.”

“Recall that in January the President directed OSHA to issue a COVID ETS…and he imposed a March 15 deadline for action on that. However, OSHA did not issue the First COVID ETS until June, and even then, it applied only to healthcare settings…”

“However, if the New COVID ETS toes the line the President has drawn, it will be considerably broader and certainly more heavy handed, so it is more likely to draw court challenges from employers and others who already are declaring their opposition to such a broad mandate—and that could mean further delay.”

So we don’t yet have a set of rules for this 100-employee mandate, a month after Biden made his speech, and perhaps we won’t have those rules for some time.

Therefore, the question is: Right now, does the mandate exist?

The Eckert Seamans law firm has an answer: “The President’s statement [on September 9] itself imposes no immediate legal obligations or penalties as far as private employers under the OSH Act. It is simply an announcement that he has directed OSHA to promulgate the New COVID ETS, and provides a few details of what he expects it to contain.”

There is no mandate now. There is only an announcement that there will be a mandate.

There will be a mandate when the Department of Labor issues its regulations.

If an employer went to court now, to challenge the mandate, the judge (assuming competency and honesty) would say, “Your challenge has no merit, because there is no mandate yet.”

And if there is no mandate yet, no employer with 100 or more employees is under obligation to order his employees to take the vaccine.

Note: I’m not talking about the Biden order that all federal employees and contractors must be vaccinated. That is a different situation.

Right now, all employers with 100 or more employees who are ordering their employees to take the vaccine are doing so voluntarily.

If they are ordering their employees to take the vaccine “because we have to, because the federal government is ordering it,” they are making a factually incorrect statement.

 

This possibly opens the door to an employee filing an action against his employer: “I was told to take the vaccine under false pretenses…”

I’m not saying such a charge would stand up in court, but it’s worth thinking about.

On September 10, Biden Press Secretary Jen Psaki took questions from reporters. She couched the 100-employee mandate this way:

“So, Congress passed a law in 1970 — the Occupational Safety and Health Act. And the reason the Department of Labor and OSHA is able to take the strong step to protect Americans from COVID [with the new mandate] is that Congress passed that law. Yesterday’s announcement by the Department of Labor is proceeding under that law. And the law basically requires the Department of Labor take action when it finds grave risk to workers. And certainly a pandemic that killed more than 600,000 people qualifies as ‘grave risk to workers’.”

“And so, if the Secretary determines workers are in grave danger, he has an obligation to issue an emergency temporary standard [ETS]. That’s exactly what he did.”

I believe this is incorrect. Psaki is implying the 100-employee mandate already exists. Her words can certainly be taken that way. But the mandate doesn’t yet exist, because the Department of Labor hasn’t issued the regulations which CONSTITUTE the mandate.

Again: ALL EMPLOYERS WITH 100 OR MORE EMPLOYEES WHO ARE ORDERING THEIR EMPLOYEES TO TAKE THE VACCINE, OR ARE FIRING THOSE WHO REFUSE, ARE DOING SO VOLUNTARILY.

They’re caving in. They’re issuing orders to their employees before the regulations are issued, and before the many legal challenges against those regulations pile up—challenges which, if they chose to, they could help spearhead.

Understanding canela, or Mexican cinnamon  

With whiffs of vanilla, honey and florals, it’s perfect for sweet or savoray dishes

 

by Janet Blaser

 

If you’ve noticed that the cinnamon here in Mexico tastes different than what you’re used to in Canada or the United States, you would be correct. Canela (Mexican or Ceylon cinnamon) is not the same variety as cassia cinnamon — what’s commonly sold and used in those other countries.

Both come from the inner bark of several varieties of tropical bushes and trees native to Southeast Asia. Cinnamomum verum, what’s sold in Mexico, is often thought of as “true” cinnamon because of its distinct flavor profile and ability to enhance rather than overpower a dish.

Perhaps you’ve noticed the difference in taste; canela is milder and more floral, not as brash or as spicy, and with a more complex flavor that makes it better suited for savory dishes. In Mexican cuisine, it plays a part in moles, marinades and bean dishes, its subtle heat and warm flavor adding complexity and richness. And, of course, it’s used widely in sweets: horchata, rice pudding, dulce de leche and Mexican hot chocolate.

You can find canela as whole sticks (known as quills) or ground into a powder. Mexican cinnamon quills are thin, delicate and quite fragile; the bark curls around itself and crumbles easily. It’s very difficult to grind it yourself, so I’d suggest you choose the form most suited to the recipe.

I’ve selected some unusual recipes here that use cinnamon; you can easily find more common ones online.

Cinnamon Tamarind Margarita

For the serving glass rim:

  • 1 tsp. sugar
  • 1 tsp. salt
  • ½ tsp. cayenne
  • ½ tsp. ground cinnamon
  • 2 Tbsp. freshly squeezed lime juice

For the cocktail:

  • ¾ oz. tamarind concentrate
  • 2 oz. blanco or reposado tequila
  • 1¼ oz. freshly squeezed lime juice
  • ½ oz. simple syrup
  • ½ oz. freshly squeezed lemon juice
  • ¼ oz. Cointreau
  • Ice
  • Garnish: cinnamon stick, lime wedges

Preparing the rim: Mix sugar, salt, cayenne and cinnamon in a small bowl; pour onto a saucer. Pour lime juice onto second saucer. Turn serving glass (martini glass or old-fashioned) in lime juice to wet the outer rim; spin glass in cayenne mixture, rotating slowly to coat.

Coffee-Cinnamon Horchata

  • ⅓ cup long-grain rice, white or brown
  • ⅔ cup raw almonds
  • 2 Tbs. whole dark-roast coffee beans (or whatever you have on hand, really)
  • One 2-inch cinnamon stick, broken in half
  • 3 cups hot water (not boiling)
  • 1 cup cold water
  • 4 Tbs. honey or agave syrup

Add almonds, rice, coffee beans, cinnamon stick and hot water to a blender. Process on high for 1 minute. (Make sure lid is on tightly!)

Pour into a jar or other covered container; let soak overnight at room temperature.

The next day, put the blended liquid back into the blender; add the cold water. Process on high for 2 minutes.

Over a big bowl, strain the re-blended liquid through a fine-mesh strainer, lined with cheesecloth if you have it. Whisk agave or honey into the horchata. Serve over ice.

Store remaining horchata in fridge for up to a week. Shake before serving again.

Cinnamon Rice

  • 1 medium onion, chopped
  • 3 garlic cloves, minced
  • ¾ tsp. cumin seeds
  • One 3-inch cinnamon stick (whole)
  • 2 Tbsp. olive oil
  • 1½ cups long-grain white rice
  • 2¼ cups chicken broth
  • ¾ tsp. sugar
  • ¾ tsp. black pepper
  • 1 tsp. salt

 For garnish:

  • ¼ cup unsalted pepitas
  • 1 plum tomato, diced
  • ½ cup minced fresh cilantro or parsley
  • ½ cup queso fresco, crumbled

To make the hash: heat large skillet over medium-high heat. Add oil, sweet potato, oregano and ½ tsp. salt; cook 3 minutes, stirring. Add cumin, cinnamon, red pepper and garlic, then ½ cup water. Cover, reduce heat, cook 5 minutes.

Uncover; stir and cook 2 minutes more. Remove from heat.

To make the bean mixture: Bring remaining ¾ cup water to a boil in a saucepan. Add remaining ½ tsp. salt and green beans; cook 4 minutes. Stir in adobo sauce and black beans.

Serve hash topped with the bean mixture and garnish items.

Janet Blaser is the author of the best-selling book, Why We Left: An Anthology of American Women Expats, featured on CNBC and MarketWatch. She has lived in Mexico since 2006. You can find her on Instagram at @thejanetblaser. (Natural News.)

Peru’s president to challenge law that limits his power  

by María Cervantes

 

Peru’s President Pedro Castillo will challenge a recently approved law that left him even more politically vulnerable by limiting his power to dissolve congress.

Justice Minister Anibal Torres told local radio RPP on Wednesday the government will ask the country’s top court to declare the law unconstitutional.

The proposal, approved by lawmakers late on Tuesday by 79 out of 130 votes, makes it harder for the government to invoke a constitutional mechanism known as vote of confidence. The president can dissolve congress if lawmakers twice deny him such vote. Former President Martin Vizcarra dismissed congress in 2019 using that mechanism.

At the same time, lawmakers ignored a bill presented by the government that would restrict their ability to impeach the president.

“Congress has broken the law,” Torres said. “Now there’s no more balance of power.”

Now the president can only ask lawmakers for a vote of confidence on government policies, and no longer on constitutional reforms. On the other hand, congress can still impeach the president on grounds of moral incapacity, a very broad definition that’s caused the ouster or resignation of three presidents over the past 3-and-half years.

The Constitutional Court currently composed by six justices must decide on the constitutionality of the law, which has yet to be published in the country’s official gazette. The government will need five votes from the top court to win the case.

 

Presidents Duque and Bolsonaro show mutual understanding during Brasilia meeting

Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro Tuesday welcomed his Colombian counterpart Iván Duque in Brasilia to discuss bilateral issues as well as a joint agenda ahead of the COP-26 environmental summit next month in Glasgow.

Both countries agreed to double down on their efforts regarding the Amazon basin. The two heads of state also pledged to foster bilateral trade and strengthen international security, it was reported.

”I want to thank the visit of the noble President Iván, to say that Brazil will always have open arms to his country and with all certainty, we will arrive together at Glasgow to deal with a very important and expensive matter for all of us, our beloved, rich and desired Amazon,” Bolsonaro told Duque on the ramp at the Planalto Palace, in Brasilia.

The Brazilian leader spoke for about three minutes before meeting privately with Duque. Cabinet members joined in later on.

Duque highlighted in an even lengthier speech that both governments shared the idea of “arriving in Glasgow with an unequivocal message to protect this (Amazonian) territory.”

 

Former soldiers attack Guatemala Congress building

Riot police were deployed onto the streets of Guatemala City, after a group of army veterans breached the Congress building. Lawmakers and office workers were evacuated as the group set cars alight in the car park, and caused damage to the main building. Military veterans have been protesting for several weeks, demanding approval of a law which would give them compensation for each year served during Guatemala’s long running civil war, dating from 1960-1996.

 

In brief: Cuba loosens entry requirements to boost tourism

* Cuba’s tourism minister, Juan Carlos García, has announced a series of measures to fully reopen the island to international tourism next month, after 18 months in which the sector was pummelled by reduced travel during the coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic. These measures include the lifting of mandatory quarantine requirements for all travellers from 7 November, and, from 15 November, the lifting of the requirement for double vaccinated travellers to show a negative PCR (polymerase chain reaction) test upon arrival. Those who have not been double vaccinated will still need to present a negative PCR test.

Mexico moves to seize US assets: Wall Street Journal

‘AMLO’s new law isn’t about enhancing electric power. It’s about consolidating state power’

 

by Mexico News Daily

 

October 18, 2021 – President López Obrador’s proposed electricity reform “makes no sense” and if passed will take Mexico, and North American integration, backward, according to an opinion piece published by The Wall Street Journal.

Written by columnist and WSJ editorial board member Mary Anastasia O’Grady and published under the headline “Mexico moves to seize American assets,” the piece notes that Mexican authorities recently shut down three U.S.-owned fuel storage terminals in Mexico.

Unnamed energy sector sources cited by the newspaper Reforma claimed that the federal government was seeking to link private companies to the distribution and sale of illegal fuel.

O’Grady wrote that Monterra Energy – whose terminal in Tuxpan, Veracruz, was closed on Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE) orders last month – told her it has complied with all regulations but the CRE isn’t answering its calls. The terminal, which imports gasoline from U.S. Gulf Coast refineries and supplies privately owned gas stations in Mexico, remains closed.

“There’s trouble brewing between Mexico and the U.S., and I’m not talking about immigration,” O’Grady wrote.

“President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s desire to put the state in full control of the energy industry, as it was in the 1970s, is running head-first into treaty obligations on trade and investment. The arbitrary closing of private gasoline-storage facilities is a fraction of the problem,” she said before condemning the president’s electricity sector agenda.

O’Grady said that a constitutional bill López Obrador (AMLO) sent to Congress this month – which seeks to guarantee 54 percent electricity market participation for the state-owned Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) and get rid of two independent regulators, the CRE and the National Hydrocarbons Commission – is labeled “electricity reform.”

“Yet while ‘reform’ normally suggests improvement, this legislation, if passed, will take Mexico, and North American integration, backward,” she wrote.

The columnist noted that AMLO’s bill – which will require opposition support to become law – seeks to modify three articles of the constitution, including Article 27, which would be amended to establish “that the strategic area of electricity belongs exclusively” to the state and consists “of generating, conducting, transforming, distributing and supplying electrical energy.”

O’Grady acknowledged that private companies would still be able to operate in the Mexican electricity market, “but they would have to sell to … [the] CFE, which would set prices as a monopsony and would run a monopoly in selling to users.”

“The CFE would be in charge of dispatching supply and guaranteed a minimum 54% of the market. This is a big change. Since Mexico opened its energy markets to private investment in 2014, electricity generators selling power into the grid have enjoyed dispatch of supply according to price, with more cost-efficient plants, like those using renewables, natural gas and modern technology, going first,” she wrote.

“Large consumers, including manufacturers, have been allowed to contract directly with private suppliers, which rent transmission lines at prices set by an independent regulator.”

O’Grady charged that a “state takeover of the entire electricity market and the end of an independent regulator makes no sense in a developing country that needs competition to ensure plentiful and cheap electricity for manufacturing.”

“But AMLO’s new law isn’t about enhancing electric power. It’s about consolidating state power – via its companies, the CFE and Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex),” she added.

By giving the CFE “constitutionally mandated control” over the supply and pricing of electricity, “Mexico would dangerously centralize political and economic power in the state-owned company,” O’Grady asserted.

“There’s an estimated $45 billion in private capital – foreign and domestic – in Mexico that will be affected by this new law. Notably, it will cancel all permits and long-term power-purchase agreements with the CFE – which were necessary to secure financing,” she wrote.

The editorial board member also charged that AMLO’s initiative would destroy Mexico’s nascent wind and solar industry.

“But he’s focused on helping Pemex unload its high-sulfur fuel oil, which is difficult to convert into revenue in the market,” O’Grady wrote. “Greater use of CFE fuel-oil-powered plants implies rising pollution and emissions when cheaper and cleaner options are readily available.”

The columnist asserted that the constitutional bill also violates the new North American free trade agreement, the USMCA, “as it abrogates contracts, capriciously strips investors of value, eliminates market-based competition, discriminates against private capital, cancels access to activities not reserved as exclusive in the agreement, and eliminates independent regulators, including in hydrocarbons.”

“… In a July 22 press conference, Mr. López Obrador pooh-poohed concerns that the U.S. might object to his crackdown on competition, insisting that Washington hasn’t complained. If Mexico’s Congress reads that as implicit U.S. approval of the bill, it will be a tragedy not only for investors but for all Mexicans,” O’Grady concluded.

It’s not the first time that the columnist, who writes weekly on politics, economics and business in Latin America and Canada, has gone on the offensive against AMLO.

In a 2020 piece entitled “Mexico slides toward one-man rule,” she accused the president of “working to consolidate as much power as possible” in the executive branch of government. AMLO dismissed the claim, charging that The Wall Street Journal lacked professionalism and didn’t know the history of the country.

With reports from The Wall Street Journal