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Quiet panic’ as national rental assistance program set to run out of cash

Edificio del Departamento de Vivienda y Desarrollo Urbano de EE. UU. en Washington, D.C., -- The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development building in Washington, D.C.

by Ben Christopher

A $5 billion pot of federal money set aside to help people on the verge of homelessness pay the rent is running out of cash — and no one has a plan to keep the roughly 60,000 renters, more than 15,000 of them in California — from losing their housing after the last dollar is spent.

News of the imminent expiration of the Emergency Housing Voucher program came in a March 6 letter the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development sent to local public housing authorities, the agencies that administer federal rental housing assistance programs.

A final payment this spring may allow some agencies to keep their emergency programs running into 2026, the letter reads. But housing authorities were advised to move forward with “the expectation that no additional funding from HUD will be forthcoming.”

For the housing authority staff who received the letter, it remains unclear whether the program is winding down simply because it has run out of funds on its own accord or whether it represents a policy shift from the Trump administration, which has been on an aggressive and often uncoordinated cost cutting tear across the federal bureaucracy.

The letter came as a shock to Lisa Jones, CEO of the San Diego Housing Commission. Jones said the commission could conceivably pay its share of the rent for the nearly 400 San Diego renters currently assisted by the program through December. After that, she could think of no obvious way to make up for the missing federal dollars.

Jones spoke to CalMatters from Washington D.C., where the heads of housing authorities across the country had gathered for a conference and to lobby their representatives. As news of the end of the program has spread among her counterparts, “a quiet panic” has set in, she said.

Absent federal money, “we don’t have the funding to solve that problem,” she said.

The program was modeled after the much larger and well-known Housing Choice Voucher program. Also known as “Section 8,” that long-standing program pays at least 70% of the rent for anyone earning under a certain income and lucky enough to secure one of its scarce vouchers. The Emergency Housing Voucher program is more narrowly targeted at those in most dire need: people currently living on the street or in shelters, those just on the verge of homelessness and anyone fleeing domestic violence or human trafficking.

“It’s a group of people who, but for the voucher, would be at extreme risk of falling back into homelessness,” said Mari Castaldi, who focuses on state housing policy for the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, a progressive think tank.

The termination of the emergency programs comes at an inauspicious time for federal rental assistance programs across the country.

For decades, the federal government has offered Housing Choice Vouchers to fewer than 1-in-4 Americans who qualify for those benefits. In California’s large metro areas, voucher waiting lists — the time between when someone applies and actually receives one — regularly tops out at more than a decade.

That means few housing authorities will have many extra housing vouchers to offer anyone booted from the emergency program. Absent another solution, that would put housing authorities in the virtually unprecedented position of having to revoke assistance from people who are currently depending upon it to pay the rent.

“There’s just no plan in place to determine what would happen” in that case, said Alex Visotzky with the National Alliance to End Homelessness. “This could very well lead to thousands of additional people becoming homeless in California.”

Why the funds ran out

The emergency program was never meant to be permanent. Creating one of many COVID-19-era additions to the nation’s social safety net, Congress funded the emergency vouchers in 2021 with a lump sum of $5 billion. Once those funds were spent, the program was meant to come to an end.

The wind-down was supposed to be gradual.

After the program’s roll out, housing authorities were told to stop reissuing the emergency vouchers as renters exited the program — because they no longer needed the help, moved to a different city or died. That way, the program was meant to phase itself out of existence. The federal housing department was given until 2030 to spend all $5 billion.

That led many local officials and housing advocates to assume the program would be funded through the end of the decade.

The wind-down of the emergency program is just the latest shudder in an unprecedented upheaval in federal housing policy enacted by President Donald Trump. The administration is considering mass layoffs at the federal housing department, raising concerns among some housing policy experts about whether they can seamlessly operate federal programs, including Section 8. After temporary freezes on all categories of federal funding in late January, the administration, led by DOGE, its “Department of Government Efficiency,” has more quietly extinguished select federal housing programs. Earlier this month the City of Los Angeles stopped accepting new applications for its general Housing Choice Voucher program, citing uncertain support from Washington.

 

The federal housing department did not respond to repeated emails and voice messages requesting an interview about why the funds ran out sooner than many expected, and whether the news in the March 6 letter represented a change in federal policy.

“To me it just doesn’t sound right, that we’re so far off the mark — four years off the mark,” said Emilio Salas, executive director of the Los Angeles County Development Authority, which oversees federal housing voucher programs for 66 cities and all unincorporated communities across the L.A. basin.

Sonya Acosta, a policy analyst with the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, said she hasn’t seen any evidence that the end of the Emergency Housing Voucher program is the handiwork of DOGE. Instead, she pointed to a familiar problem as the more likely culprit: sky-high rents.

Since Congress authorized the new vouchers in early 2021, rents across the country experienced a post-pandemic boom. That’s even true at the bottom half of the rental market, which the federal housing department uses to set its rental support levels. Between 2021 and 2025, for example, “fair market rents” in San Diego’s Barrio Logan neighborhood increased by 43%, nearly double the overall rate of inflation during the same period, according to the department.

Because the housing voucher programs pay the difference between a tenant’s income and rent, soaring rents and stagnant incomes mean the government pays more.

“We’ve seen those really big increases in rent that has also meant that some of the spending might have gone a little bit faster than initial HUD estimates,” said Acosta.

That basic math problem has put the screws to the overall Section 8 program too. Jones, in San Diego, said the Housing Commission’s average per-household rental assistance payment at the beginning of the pandemic was around $870 each month. Now it’s roughly $1,400. Because the emergency voucher program allows for more generous payments and because its voucher holders tend to have even lower incomes than regular voucher holders, the average emergency voucher is about $2,200, she said.

“The gap between the rental market and the lowest incomes in our community is widening,” she said.

What happens when the money runs out

Without fresh funding, there’s no way many housing authorities would be able to transfer emergency voucher holders onto the regular voucher program.

In Santa Barbara County, for example, nearly 1-in-10 of the local housing authority’s vouchers have been shelved, kept out of the hands of qualified renters because the authority can’t afford to provide the assistance.

So once the emergency funding runs out “we have no way of helping those people right now,” said housing authority director Bob Havlicek. “Even if we did have extra vouchers available, then its public policy issue of ‘why are you helping these folks if you have people on your waitlist?’ We can’t win either way.”

 

There isn’t much optimism from advocates that the state will step up once the emergency funds run dry.

Bond funds that the state has used to prop up much of its affordable housing spending are running low, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget for the coming fiscal year includes little extra and rental subsidies, a costly and ongoing expense, have historically been a federal responsibility anyway.

That leaves the federal government, which does not appear to be in a big spending mood when it comes to social programs.

On Monday, Trump signed a budget bill to continue funding the federal government at levels set last year. That may provide a steady funding source for the overall federal housing voucher program, though the bill may give his administration flexibility to redirect some of those funds if it chooses to. It does nothing to address the fate of the Emergency Housing Voucher program.

“We should figure out a way to save this program and make sure these people continue to receive federal rental assistance,” said Tushar Gurjal, a policy analyst at the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials, an advocacy group for affordable housing providers. “None of these folks did anything wrong. They’re just using their vouchers and following all the rules.”

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Commemoration of 500 years of Cuauhtémoc in the Zócalo: schedule and history

The Federal and CDMX governments will pay tribute to the tlatoani Cuauhtémoc in the Zócalo. It is 500 years since he was disappeared by Hernán Cortés

by México Desconocido

This year marks 500 years since the death of the huey tlatoani Cuauhtémoc, murdered by Hernán Cortés, according to some sources, on February 28, 1525 (another date could be the 25th). Therefore, as an unprecedented event in history, President Claudia Sheinbaum announced a tribute to Cuauhtémoc in the Zócalo. It is expected that a recreation of the fight between the Spanish and the Mexicas will be held. In addition to this tribute, the Senate of the Republic recently also remembered the value of the last huey tlatoani of Mexico-Tenochtitlan.

For the first commemorative event of Cuauhtémoc’s death in the Zócalo, also the former political headquarters of Mexico-Tenochtitlán, screens, chairs and bleachers have been set up. Likewise, rehearsals have been held with dozens of people, so it is expected to be an event with a large number of artists on stage.

Commemoration of Cuauhtémoc in the Zócalo, how did he die?

Cuauhtémoc, or rather Cuauhtemoctzin (the honorific form of the tlatoani’s name in Nahuatl), was captured by Cortés and his allies on August 13, 1521. As a result, the heroic lord of Mexico-Tenochtitlan finally surrendered the city after a three-month siege. Later, the Tenochca ruler, along with the tlatoani of Tlacopan, were tortured to make them confess where Moctezuma Xocoyotzin’s treasure had been left, after the battle of the Noche Triste in 1520. When his feet were bathed in oil and burned by fire, Cuauhtémoc was left crippled, as recorded by the Spanish doctor Cristóbal de Ojeda.

Despite what happened, the young tlatoani was treated with a certain respect. And Hernán Cortés needed his authority to impose order among the Mexicas and to dialogue with the peoples formerly subject to Tenochtitlan. Despite being a ruler held captive by European power, Cuauhtémoc constantly interceded on behalf of his people in the years following the conquest of the Tenochca capital. As if that were not enough, he refused to be baptized. All of this generated various insecurities in the Extremaduran conqueror, who began to fear a rebellion led by the former lord of Tlatelolco.

The expedition to Las Hibueras and the death of the last Mexica tlatoani

In 1524, Hernán Cortés organized a military expedition against Cristóbal de Olid, who had betrayed him. The destination was the Hibueras region, which is currently Honduras. To do so, he mobilized at the head of a huge army where, as usual, the majority of the troops were the subjugated Mesoamerican peoples. The fact is that on that occasion, the bulk of the contingent was Mexica and to a lesser extent Tlaxcalan. For this reason, their main captains went, including the huey tlatoani Cuauhtémoc himself. In addition, with this Cortés managed to distance the noble Tenochca from his city, in order to avoid any uprising on his part.

A year after beginning the military campaign, Cortés received a certain Mexicalcingo, who told him of a supposed plot that the lord of Tenochtitlan was preparing to rise up against the conquistadors. Faced with this, the Castilian captain decided to execute Cuauhtémoc. The decision was controversial and questioned even by the Spaniards on the expedition. In the end, the young tlatoani was hanged along with the ruler of Tlacopan, Tetlepanquetzal, from the branch of a ceiba tree. Before that, he was baptized and given the Christian name Hernando de Alvarado Cuauhtemotzin. The gruesome death is estimated to have occurred around February 28, 1525 in Itzamkanac, currently the region of El Tigre, in Campeche, north of the border with Guatemala.

The last speech of the Huey Tlatoani

The last Mexica ruler was executed without trial by the Spanish invaders, and thus became a symbol of all the martyrs who saw the fall of the Mexica culture. Witnessing the end of their culture, the great orator offered these words:

«Our sacred energy has already seen fit to hide itself, our venerable sun has already worthily disappeared its face, and in total darkness it has deigned to leave us. We certainly know (that) it will deign to return again, that it will once again see fit to rise and will once again come worthily to enlighten us.»

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Lime juice: A natural remedy to prevent hair loss

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by Marvin Ramírez

Hair loss affects millions worldwide, and while various factors contribute to it, one lesser-known cause is follicle infections. Many have found that natural remedies like lime juice can help combat hair loss and restore growth.

Lime juice, rich in vitamin C and natural acids, possesses antimicrobial and cleansing properties. When applied to the scalp, it eliminates bacteria and fungi that cause inflammation and weaken follicles. “Lime juice stops hair from falling because hair loss often results from follicle infections,” says Carlos Mendez, a natural health enthusiast.

Research supports the antibacterial and antifungal properties of citrus fruits, particularly limes. These properties help maintain a healthy scalp by reducing dandruff, irritation, and excess oil—factors that can weaken follicles. “Lime juice tightens skin and pores, reducing oil that clogs follicles,” explains Dr. Laura Espinoza, a dermatologist specializing in scalp conditions. “This keeps follicles clean and free from infections, which are a common cause of hair loss.”

Many people who experienced thinning or baldness report noticeable improvements. “After weeks of applying lime juice, I noticed less hair falling out,” says Julia Rojas, who struggled with shedding. “Over time, new hair grew in thinning areas. It was incredible!”

Applying lime juice is simple. Extract fresh juice and massage it into the scalp. Leave it for 15-20 minutes before rinsing. Some people mix it with coconut oil or aloe vera to prevent dryness. “Lime juice alone is potent, so I mix it with coconut oil to keep my scalp moisturized,” advises Manuel Ortiz, who uses lime juice for hair regrowth.

Another method is to apply lime juice to the scalp at night, cover the head with a t-shirt, and leave it overnight. This can be done two or three times a week. Additionally, applying lime juice during the day to thinning areas is beneficial. “You can spread lime juice on the thinning spots, and people won’t notice,” suggests Ortiz.

Although beneficial, lime juice can cause irritation, especially for sensitive skin. A patch test is recommended. Also, avoid sun exposure after application to prevent scalp irritation or burns. “Wash it off thoroughly before going outside, as it increases sun sensitivity,” warns Dr. Espinoza.

However, some people apply lime juice by itself at night and experience no irritation. They just wash it off in the morning.

Experts emphasize that while lime juice promotes follicle health, it is not a cure-all. Genetics, hormones, and nutrition also affect hair health. “Lime juice can help, but persistent hair loss requires professional consultation,” adds Dr. Espinoza.

Some suggest combining lime juice with other natural ingredients for enhanced benefits. Aloe vera, known for its soothing properties, can reduce potential irritation, while coconut oil provides hydration, preventing excessive dryness.

Despite these considerations, many testimonials highlight lime juice’s potential as an inexpensive natural remedy. “I was skeptical at first, but after seeing results, I believe in its effectiveness,” says Rojas. “Nature provides incredible solutions.”

For those seeking natural alternatives, lime juice may be worth trying. With its antimicrobial properties and scalp-cleansing ability, it offers a simple, effective way to maintain hair health and potentially restore lost hair.

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Lime juice: A natural remedy to prevent hair loss

Screenshot

by Marvin Ramírez

Hair loss affects millions worldwide, and while various factors contribute to it, one lesser-known cause is follicle infections. Many have found that natural remedies like lime juice can help combat hair loss and restore growth.

Lime juice, rich in vitamin C and natural acids, possesses antimicrobial and cleansing properties. When applied to the scalp, it eliminates bacteria and fungi that cause inflammation and weaken follicles. “Lime juice stops hair from falling because hair loss often results from follicle infections,” says Carlos Mendez, a natural health enthusiast.

Research supports the antibacterial and antifungal properties of citrus fruits, particularly limes. These properties help maintain a healthy scalp by reducing dandruff, irritation, and excess oil—factors that can weaken follicles. “Lime juice tightens skin and pores, reducing oil that clogs follicles,” explains Dr. Laura Espinoza, a dermatologist specializing in scalp conditions. “This keeps follicles clean and free from infections, which are a common cause of hair loss.”

Many people who experienced thinning or baldness report noticeable improvements. “After weeks of applying lime juice, I noticed less hair falling out,” says Julia Rojas, who struggled with shedding. “Over time, new hair grew in thinning areas. It was incredible!”

Applying lime juice is simple. Extract fresh juice and massage it into the scalp. Leave it for 15-20 minutes before rinsing. Some people mix it with coconut oil or aloe vera to prevent dryness. “Lime juice alone is potent, so I mix it with coconut oil to keep my scalp moisturized,” advises Manuel Ortiz, who uses lime juice for hair regrowth.

Another method is to apply lime juice to the scalp at night, cover the head with a t-shirt, and leave it overnight. This can be done two or three times a week. Additionally, applying lime juice during the day to thinning areas is beneficial. “You can spread lime juice on the thinning spots, and people won’t notice,” suggests Ortiz.

Although beneficial, lime juice can cause irritation, especially for sensitive skin. A patch test is recommended. Also, avoid sun exposure after application to prevent scalp irritation or burns. “Wash it off thoroughly before going outside, as it increases sun sensitivity,” warns Dr. Espinoza.

However, some people apply lime juice by itself at night and experience no irritation. They just wash it off in the morning.

Experts emphasize that while lime juice promotes follicle health, it is not a cure-all. Genetics, hormones, and nutrition also affect hair health. “Lime juice can help, but persistent hair loss requires professional consultation,” adds Dr. Espinoza.

Some suggest combining lime juice with other natural ingredients for enhanced benefits. Aloe vera, known for its soothing properties, can reduce potential irritation, while coconut oil provides hydration, preventing excessive dryness.

Despite these considerations, many testimonials highlight lime juice’s potential as an inexpensive natural remedy. “I was skeptical at first, but after seeing results, I believe in its effectiveness,” says Rojas. “Nature provides incredible solutions.”

For those seeking natural alternatives, lime juice may be worth trying. With its antimicrobial properties and scalp-cleansing ability, it offers a simple, effective way to maintain hair health and potentially restore lost hair.

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NOTICE INVITING BIDS

The Peralta Community College District (PCCD) is calling for sealed Bids from qualified firms to provide

General Contracting services for the Laney College Theater Mod­ernization Project (Bid No. 24-25/05). Bids are to be submitted electronically (via PlanetBids), by 2:00 PM, on May 15, 2025. Fol­low the link below for the bid opening: https://peralta-edu.zoom.us/j/84716794834

The project consists of demolition and construction necessary for the modernization of the existing Laney Theater Building inclusive of the following: extensive modifications for accessibility; a glass cur­tain wall; lobby extension with new elevator; expanded restrooms/amenities; a new north lobby and entry; upgrades to the 300-seat auditorium, technical theater, and AV systems; upgrades to existing classrooms, visual and sound labs; and replacement of the existing mechanical systems.

The work to be performed under this contract includes the furnishing of all labor, materials, equipment, transportation, services, permits, temporary controls and construction facilities, and all general con­ditions, seismic requirements, general requirements and incidentals required to complete the work on the project in its entirety as de­scribed in the contract documents.

In order to perform the work, Bidders at the time of the Bid Opening and for the duration of the project shall possess a valid California Contractor’s license and certifications in order to qualify to perform the Work: Class A and/or B Contractor’s License. This is a Public Works project and will require payment of prevailing wages.

A Project Labor Agreement (PLA) is required for this project. The suc­cessful Bidder will be required to sign a Letter of Assent agreeing to the terms and conditions of the District’s PLA in order to perform the work.

A Mandatory Pre-Bid video conference meeting will be held on Wednesday, March 19, 2025, at 11:00A.M.

To register in advance for this meeting: https://peralta-edu.zoom.us/j/86800481409

Meeting ID: 868 0048 1409

After registering, you will receive a confirmation email containing in­formation about joining the meeting.

Two Pre-Bid Site Walks will be held at Laney College located at 900 Fallon St, Oakland, CA, 94607. Mandatory attendance by the bidding General Contractor is required at one of the two site walks in order to submit a bid.

  1. Pre-Bid Site Walk #1 will be held on Wednesday, March 26, 2025 at 1:00PM.

We will meet at the Theatre Building located at 900 Fallon St, Oak­land, CA, 94607.

  1. Pre-Bid Site Walk #2 will be held on Tuesday, April 01, 2025 at 1:00PM.

We will meet at the Theatre Building located at 900 Fallon St, Oak­land, CA, 94607.

Copies of the bid documents may be obtained by clicking on the fol­lowing links:

https://vendors.planetbids.com/portal/71895/portal-home

Governing Codes:

GC 53068

EC 81641

Publication Dates: March 07, 2025, and March 14, 2025

El Reportero

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This March 8th celebrates Women’s Day in SF – Alexandra Rieloff Trio in Concert

by Magdy Zara

March 8th has been declared International Women’s Day, previously known as Working Women’s Day, this is a date dedicated to highlighting the important work that women do in the world.

That is why we share with you some of the activities scheduled to commemorate this important date.

The Mission Cultural Center for Latin Arts (MCCLA) presents its 38th Annual Women Only Exhibition, two impactful exhibitions, which will take place simultaneously.

Both exhibitions celebrate the power, creativity and resilience of women artists.

In the main gallery there will be Lorraine García-Nakata: with “The knowledge we carry”; while in the Inti Raymi gallery, “Derechos/Rights” – Collective exhibition will be exhibited.

The opening reception will be this Saturday, March 8th starting at 6 p.m., while the closing will be on Sunday, April 13th, 2025.

The MCCLA is located at 2868 Mission St, San Francisco. Admission is free.

For its part, La Peña presents to celebrate Women’s Day two extraordinary salsa and Latin jazz bands with only female artists: Salsa y Sol and Agua Pura.

This will be a night of stimulating and energetic music with an open dance floor for everyone to enjoy the rhythms of salsa and Latin jazz.

The appointment is this Saturday, March 8th, 2025 starting at 8pm, at the La Peña Cultural Center, 3105 Shattuck Ave. Berkeley. Tickets range from $25 – $35.

Alexandra Rieloff Trio in Concert

Renowned jazz vocalist Alexandra Rieloff returns with her trio to delight the San Francisco public with a wonderful repertoire.

Alexandra Rieloff, who was born in Brooklyn and is of Chilean descent, is an all-round artist, as she is an actress, choreographer, dancer, filmmaker, announcer, photographer and a masterful jazz vocalist.

Rieloff has prepared for attendees a compilation of her greatest hits that include Bossa Nova and jazz standards performed by a soulful trio with voice, bass and keyboards, offering smooth and timeless melodies.

Rieloff will be performing with her jazz trio during the month of March on the following days:

March 9 at Stookey`s Blue Room, located at 891 Bush St, SF. Time 7:30 pm.

March 18 at Etcetera Wine Bar, located at 795 Valencia St. SF. Time 6 p.m.

March 20 at Paris 75, located at 515 Broadway Ave. SF. Time: 9 p.m.

March 27 at Sheba Liano Lounge. located at 1419 Filmore St. SF. Time: 7:30 p.m.

March 29 at Scopo Divino, located at 2800 Caloifornia St. SF. Time: 6 p.m.

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Estampas Peruanas: A Little Piece of Perú in Redwood City

Carlos Shimabukuro, propietario del restaurante Estampas Peruanas. Carlos Shimabukuro, owner of the Estampas Peruanas restaurant

EDITOR’S NOTE:

Estampas Peruanas joins the family of sponsors of El Reportero, and we are pleased to welcome them to this space where we celebrate gastronomic and cultural diversity. As a media outlet committed to our community, we value the support of local businesses that, like Estampas Peruanas, contribute to the enrichment of our information offering and the strengthening of community ties. Their incorporation allows us to continue providing quality content to our readers, reaffirming our commitment to editorial independence and the promotion of businesses that reflect the richness of our traditions.

by Marvin Ramírez

Estampas Peruanas is a restaurant in the city of Redwood City that has captivated the local community with its rich Peruvian cuisine. On Camino Real, among the vibrant streets of Redwood City, this restaurant has become a culinary landmark, offering a unique experience that transports diners to the heart of Perú.

Founded and operated by Carlos Shimabukuro, Estampas Peruanas is a place where families and couples gather to enjoy traditional dishes, prepared with ingredients brought directly from Perú. Carlos, who is the owner and creator of the menu, is dedicated to ensuring that every detail of the restaurant reflects his passion for Peruvian cuisine. His dedication to authenticity is what sets Estampas Peruanas apart from other Peruvian restaurants in the region.

“Since 1993, we have brought the best of Peruvian cuisine to California. We were motivated by the desire to share the culinary richness of our Perú and offer traditional dishes,” says Carlos about his first steps in the industry. The restaurant has been operating in the same location in Redwood City for more than 30 years, where it has earned recognition for its authentic food and welcoming atmosphere.

The choice of location was not fortuitous. “We chose El Camino Real because we wanted an accessible place that would allow us to attract both local residents and visitors interested in international cuisine,” explains Carlos. In addition, Redwood City has shown a growing interest in Peruvian cuisine, which has allowed Estampas Peruanas to become a little piece of Perú within this diverse community.

One of the characteristics that makes Estampas Peruanas special is the use of authentic ingredients brought directly from Perú. “We work with specialized suppliers that allow us to import key ingredients such as yellow chili, quinoa, and maca,” says Carlos. These ingredients are essential to preserve the authenticity of the flavours, a vital aspect for Carlos and his team.

But Estampas Peruanas is not only known for its food, but also for the influence of Nikkei culture on its menu. Carlos, who is of Japanese descent, fuses Japanese culinary techniques with Peruvian ingredients, creating a unique dining experience.

“The fusion of Japanese and Peruvian cuisine has given rise to dishes such as tiradito, which combines the delicacy of Japanese sashimi with the flavor of yellow chili and tiger’s milk,” explains Carlos. This influence is also reflected in other emblematic dishes such as lomo saltado, which highlights the harmony between both cuisines.

The menu has evolved over the years, but always maintaining a balance between tradition and innovation. “We focus on offering the most representative dishes of Peruvian gastronomy, such as classic ceviche, lomo saltado and anticuchos, but we are always looking for new ways to surprise our customers,” says Carlos. This commitment to excellence has ensured that Estampas Peruanas remains a favorite destination for locals.

The restaurant’s décor also plays a major role in the diners’ experience. The walls are adorned with Peruvian art that reflects the country’s rich culture. Carlos, who has a deep respect for his heritage, explains that each piece has a special meaning. “The décor not only beautifies the space, but also serves to educate and promote Peruvian culture,” he says.

In addition to food and décor, Estampas Peruanas hosts cultural events, such as live music performances, to continue promoting Peruvian culture. “Every month, we have live Peruvian music, which allows us to offer a complete experience to our customers,” Carlos adds.

The Challenge and the community

Like every business, Estampas Peruanas has faced challenges. Competition in the restaurant industry in the United States is fierce, but Carlos has learned that the key to success is not only in the quality of the food, but in the experience offered to the customer. “Service and hospitality are just as important as the food. We have managed to build a solid and passionate team,” says Carlos.

The response from the community has been extremely positive. “From day one, we have felt welcomed by a diverse community curious to discover the authentic flavors of Perú,” he says. Customer loyalty has been a fundamental part of Estampas Peruanas’ success, many of whom return constantly, becoming part of the restaurant’s gastronomic family.

Differentiation

What really sets Estampas Peruanas apart from other Peruvian restaurants in the region is its focus on authenticity and a family atmosphere. “We don’t just serve food, we provide an experience where customers feel at home,” says Carlos. While many Peruvian restaurants have embraced fusions or international culinary trends, Estampas Peruanas remains true to its roots, offering a culinary proposal that respects tradition without losing freshness and innovation.

With every dish served, with every customer greeted with a smile and with every decorative detail that adorns the restaurant, Estampas Peruanas is not just a place to eat, but a gastronomic experience that brings its visitors closer to the heart of Perú. In a world where globalization sometimes blurs cultural boundaries, Estampas Peruanas offers a little piece of Perú in Redwood City, where every bite tells a story of tradition, passion and love for Peruvian culture.

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‘Trump victory’: Panama Canal’s main ports now under US control

by the El Reportero staff

In another move aligning with his “America First” agenda, President Donald Trump has secured what many are calling a significant victory, following his recent remarks about reclaiming control over the Panama Canal.

According to reports, American investment giant BlackRock has acquired nearly all key ports along the canal, a strategic waterway linking the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The ports were previously controlled by CK Hutchison Holdings Ltd., a Hong Kong-based conglomerate that sold its stake in the operations.

This sale follows Trump’s bold assertion that the United States should oversee the Panama Canal, given that it originally funded and built the passage in the early 20th century. Before its completion in 1914, ships were forced to navigate the treacherous and lengthy route around Cape Horn at South America’s tip.

Under the terms of the deal, BlackRock—teaming up with Global Infrastructure Partners and Terminal Investment Ltd.—has acquired an 80 percent stake in Hutchison Ports. The transaction also includes a controlling interest in Panama Ports Co., which manages the vital ports of Balboa and Cristobal. The reported price tag for the deal is $19 billion, according to Bloomberg.

While this acquisition marks a major strategic gain for American economic influence, it coincided with another major Trump policy shift—his long-anticipated tariffs on imports from Mexico and Canada. Shortly after these trade restrictions took effect, Trump took to Truth Social, urging companies to manufacture their products domestically.

“If companies move to the United States, there are no tariffs!!!” he posted in all caps.

Though CK Hutchison is a publicly traded firm, its base in Hong Kong has led to speculation about Beijing’s indirect influence. With China tightening its grip on the territory in recent years, some observers suggest the sale might have been expedited to appease Trump and reduce U.S.-China tensions. On the same day, Trump escalated his trade war by doubling tariffs on Chinese imports to 20 percent, prompting Beijing to retaliate with its own levies on American goods.

Larry Fink, the CEO of BlackRock, has longstanding ties to Trump, having managed portions of his wealth in the past. The New York Post reported that Fink was once in the running for Treasury Secretary, though he later withdrew from consideration. His firm’s acquisition of the Panama Canal ports is widely seen as a move that could further bolster his influence within Trump’s economic circle.

Beyond this latest port deal, Trump has also secured commitments from corporate giants, including Apple and a SoftBank-led consortium, to invest $600 billion in American workforce development focused on artificial intelligence.

Additionally, Honda announced plans on Monday to manufacture its next-generation Civic in Indiana, reversing an earlier decision to produce the model in Mexico.

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The return of the Panama Canal and the shadow of US expansionism

Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvin Ramírez

History has taught us that international politics is marked by cycles of power, economic interests and geopolitical strategies that determine the course of nations. In this context, the recent announcement of the recovery of control of the Panama Canal by the United States has generated a host of questions about the real scope of Donald Trump’s promises and the future of the sovereignty of the nations involved.

Until recently, many of the former president’s statements seemed more like part of excessive nationalist rhetoric, bordering on the fantasy of an impossible expansionism in the 21st century. His intention to buy Greenland was received with skepticism and mockery; his mention of becoming the “owner of Palestine” was perceived as an unfounded exaggeration; and his insistence on recovering the Panama Canal was considered by many to be an unattainable desire. However, time and recent events have shown that those statements were not mere occurrences, but part of a carefully designed strategy.

The return of the Panama Canal to American hands marks a turning point in international relations. This event, which until recently seemed inconceivable without a military intervention or a concession under pressure, has been presented as an absolute triumph of Trump’s leadership. The inevitable question is: what were the conditions that allowed this transition? Was it a covert diplomatic negotiation, irresistible economic pressure or an imposition with overtones of political blackmail? The full details are not yet known, but what is undeniable is that this event redefines the balance of power in the region.

The Panama Canal has been, since its construction, a nerve center of world trade. Its transfer to Panamanian hands in 1999 was a symbol of sovereignty for the Central American country and a sign that American influence in the region could wane over time. However, the return of control to the United States makes it clear that geopolitical interests do not disappear, they are only transformed by new strategies and leadership.

Trump’s speech before Congress on March 4 only reinforced his position on strengthening the United States in the international arena and its fight against what he considers internal threats. From his outright opposition to gender ideology to his promise to eradicate harmful chemicals in consumer products, his rhetoric follows the same pattern as always: protect the nation at all costs and regain its global influence. Now, with the news of the Panama Canal under US control, doubts about the fulfillment of his other promises are beginning to fade.

This fact puts on alert not only Panama, but all of Latin America, which watches with concern what could be the resurgence of a more aggressive interventionist policy by the United States. The impact of this decision remains to be seen, but what is clear is that the rules of the game have changed.

Throughout history, US expansionism has taken different forms: from the Monroe Doctrine to the military occupations of the 20th century and economic diplomacy in the 21st century. The recovery of the Panama Canal could be just the beginning of a new phase in this strategy of domination. Added to this are the attempts to buy Greenland and the insistence on imposing its influence in Palestine, which indicates that the Trump administration (or at least its ideology) continues to pursue territorial and economic expansion as one of its primary objectives.

The governments of Latin America and the world must cautiously analyze the meaning of this event and prepare for a possible escalation of similar measures in other regions. The sovereignty of nations should not be subject to the ups and downs of US policy or the will of a single leader. Panama, as a directly affected country, must clarify under what terms this transfer took place and what long-term implications it will have on its autonomy and development.

What happened reminds us that international politics is a chessboard where moves are not random. The return of the Panama Canal to American hands could mark the beginning of a new era of influence in the region, with consequences that are yet to be determined. In this scenario, the question we must ask ourselves is: what comes next? If history is any guide, the answer will not be long in coming.

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Trump’s USAID shutdown is a win for America and a blow to the globalist agenda

NOTE TO THE EDITOR:

At press time this story changed when the Supreme Court recently intervened to prevent the complete shutdown of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). In a 5-4 decision, the Court upheld an emergency order requiring the Trump administration to promptly release nearly $2 billion in previously halted funding to USAID contractors and grant recipients.

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USAID’s promotion of DEI, gender ideology, and population control around the world, along with its efforts to undermine democracies in Europe and Latin America, have greatly damaged America’s standing in the world

by Steven Mosher

The closure of a corrupt government agency is always cause for celebration.

Not that it happens very often. As President Ronald Reagan once remarked, “The closest thing to eternal life on earth is a government program.”

In the case of the now-defunct U.S. Agency for International Development, its shuttering will save U.S. taxpayers some $54 billion a year.

But Trump’s closure of the rogue agency is about far more than reducing the size of government or balancing the budget. We are not even talking about simply ending waste, fraud, and abuse, although there were bucket loads of that going on.

Under its former director, Samantha Powers, the agency had been transformed into a slush fund for woke fever dreams. No project was too wacko to throw money at.

You want funding to convince Peruvian girls they were born into the wrong body, or to promote LGBT activism in Serbia? USAID had a check for you.

You need money to fund sex changes in Guatemala or to open a transgender surgery clinic in India? You had but to ask.

But as corrosive to the sensibilities of normal people – and to America’s image overseas – that this reckless promotion of DEI and gender ideology was, our overseas aid agency was engaged in far more nefarious schemes.

It turns about that many millions of dollars of aid to the Middle East made their way into the hands of Hamas and Hezbollah. From funding the college education of al-Qaeda terrorist Anwar al-Awlaki to sending $2 billion to Gaza over the past two years, our tax dollars have been used to underwrite terrorism.

An estimated 90 percent of our aid to Gaza ended up in the hands of Hamas post-October 7, 2023. Without the constant infusion of U.S. funds, it is doubtful that the terrorist organization would have survived.

Equally egregious is USAID’s undermining of democracy. As Marjorie Taylor Green just noted at a congressional hearing, “What we have learned is that USAID has been used by Democrats to brainwash the world with globalist propaganda to force regime changes around the world.”

Roughly half a billion dollars went into one organization alone. It was called the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, and billed as a global network of investigative journalists. But it had as much to do with promoting globalist narratives and undermining populist politicians as it did with exposing corruption, perhaps more.

If you want to know why populist Jair Bolsonaro is no longer president of Brazil, why the conservatives lost in Poland, or why the democratically elected president of Romania – another populist – has now been arrested, look no further than USAID’s massively funded propaganda campaigns against these and other anti-globalist politicians.

As in Xi Jinping’s China, where the Chinese dictator has been purging his political enemies under the guise of an “anti-corruption campaign,” USAID’s anti-corruption campaign was ultimately not about corruption at all.

Like Xi, who was, as the Chinese say, “hanging up a goat’s head, but selling dog meat,” the agency was motivated by a hidden and deeply corrupt purpose – undermining democracy in order to promote globalism.

Victor Orbán of Hungary, whose government has survived years of similar onslaughts, is now vowing to crack down on all of the foreign-funded NGOs operating in his country. He will find that his opposition was chiefly funded by our tax dollars, judging from the many trips to that country that Samantha Powers took over the past few years.

As ruinous as all this is for America’s standing in the world, there is even worse news. Many of the tens of billions of dollars that the agency was flushing down the toilet didn’t go overseas at all, but was spent in and around the Washington, D.C., swamp.

And almost all of this – well over 95 percent – went to Democrat-controlled groups.

How much of the incessant lawfare against Trump that began as soon as he announced his candidacy for president in 2015 was funded indirectly by our tax dollars?

How much of Kamala’s $2 billion campaign coffer came from our own pockets, laundered by USAID through well-connected NGOs and leftist politicians?

Despite the mounting evidence of corruption, there are still those who claim that USAID does much good and should be reformed, not shuttered. “Don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater,” one recent headline read.

The problem is that USAID was never primarily about feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty or, for that matter, saving babies. In fact, from the very beginning it was designed to be an instrument of population control.

Its stated goal was “population stabilization.” To this end, it busied itself reducing the number of babies born, all in the name of fighting “overpopulation,” “eliminating poverty,” and, more recently, “saving the planet.”

This is spelled out clearly in Richard Nixon’s National Security Study Memorandum 200, which made it clear that foreign aid was to be used to bribe or bludgeon countries into reducing their birth rates.

Even today, USAID was – until a few weeks ago – promoting abortion in Malawi, doing abortion referrals in Uganda, and pressuring Sierra Leone to legalize abortion as a condition of receiving foreign aid.

Supporters of USAID argue that its programs create goodwill, but it’s hard to see how telling African women and men they would be better off sterilizing themselves and aborting their children accomplishes this end.

And how would Americans feel if China, say, were funding a program to vasectomize American men? Think about that for a second.

USAID’s promotion of DEI, gender ideology, and population control around the world, along with its efforts to undermine democracies in Europe and Latin America, have greatly damaged America’s standing in the world.

But the crime that calls for the complete destruction of the agency is that it was striking at the very roots of the republic itself.

Using the taxes paid by a free people to undermine their freedom is, by anyone’s definition, treason.

Steven W. Mosher is the President of the Population Research Institute and the author of The Devil and Communist China.

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