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The raid: one family’s ten year of living in fear

by Pedro Arroyo

As federal immigration agents creep up California to probe into long-established communities for families without documents, my memory rolls back to that hot August day 20 years ago as though it were yesterday. My father and mother came home from work with terror scrawled on their faces. They looked as though they’d had a run-in with the devil.

Wordless at first, they gradually related how that afternoon the Immigration and Naturalization Service raided the garment factory where they worked. In the mid-1980s the INS routinely invaded factories in the Los Angeles garment district, rounding up and deporting hundreds of Mexican workers like them. They lived in fear of the INS.

-The old factory has special meaning to me. It offered my father and mother their first jobs in the United States. It was where they fell in love. It was also the first place where my brother and I worked. It gave us our first real jobs when we were in high school. We labored there for a summer and got to see the sacrifices that our parents were making to provide for us.

The factory’s spinning and weaving machinery looked like the pictures in my history book that discussed the industrial revolution. The machines dated back to the early 1920s. They were dirty and always breaking down. When operating, they created so much noise that it was impossible to be heard.

My mother worked on a spinning machine. My father’s job was keeping the old machinery running. During his 15 years there, he brought many ancient machines back to life again. My dad would tell us, “Despite the low pay, I will always have work here.”

The place was filled with dust from the various fabrics and garments that were spun and wove, and they often caused respiratory problems for employees, including my mother. The building lacked proper ventilation. It was terribly cold in the winter and a steam bath in the summer.

But that factory offered my folks a place to work, no question asked.

There was a sense of family there. My mother developed her closest friends to this day. Some coworkers came from Michoacán, the same Mexican state where my mom and dad had grown up.

A unique support network developed between people in the factory, mainly with the women. My mother sold tamales to fellow workers to supplement her income. Her comadre sold jewelry on lay-away to anyone who wanted to buy.

The factory even had its own curandera – folk healer – who performed spiritual cleansing and prescribed remedios on the spot.

Despite the familiar environment, my folks worked and lived in dread for our safety. Rumors were constant from friends and neighbors about the various INS raids taking place throughout Los Angeles. They feared the INS like nothing else in this world.

But nothing could prepare my parents and us for what took place that afternoon.

They were in their work areas when the raid began. My mother worked on the third floor and my dad on the fifth. The INS agents entered the old building unannounced and began to ask people for documentation, gradually moving up the six-story building.

Workers on the first floor didn’t have a chance to escape.

My mother told how some of her friends tried to get away through the freight elevators, only to discover that they had been shut off. People hid inside boxes full of garments, behind machines and in large garbage cans. Some covered themselves with garments of all colors and styles. Some used the fire escape to avoid capture.

My dad, mom and a few of their friends somehow managed to get to the factory’s old attic and hide inside large boxes full of garments. “We covered ourselves with every thing we could find,” my dad remembers to this day. “It was hot and sticky and difficult to breathe, but we did it anyway.”

The INS entered the dark attic, flashing their lights. They made a few comments and left in a minute or so. “But it seemed like the longest time in my life,” my father recalls.

Out of the 100 people who worked at the factory, only a handful managed to escape. The owner sent those who came out of hiding after the raid home. He said there were not enough people to do the work. I doubt if they were in the mood to work, anyway.

Had my parents been caught, it would have meant economic and emotional disaster for us. I was 12 years old at that time, with two younger brothers and a few extended family members in Los Angeles, but not much else. Who would have cared for us had my folks been deported? The thought of it still frightens me 20 years later.

After the raid, my parents became much more cautious about the places they traveled. It was already a struggle to get my father to take us places. Those outings to unfamiliar locations became even more rare.

My folks warned my brother and me to watch out for the avocado-green vans with tinted windows. They instructed us to run and hide if one drove by. We knew our surroundings well, we spoke perfect English, and shared the innocent bravado of youth. Our fear wasn’t nearly as great as that of our parents.

By custom, the men who worked in the factory met every Friday afternoon to play baseball in Chávez Ravine. The week of the raid, there was no game. The whole team, with the exception of the shortstop – my father – and the catcher had been deported.

By the middle of the following week, most of the men had returned to Los Angeles and back at work. The baseball games resumed. The men joked about the raid, but their exaggerated laughter told me they were still afraid.

Those workers who made their way back to Los Angeles a few days after being deported became my heroes. I saw in them an incredible determination to survive, to give their children security, to overcome any obstacles no matter how imposing.

In 1986 my parents applied for permanent residency status under the Immigration Reform and Control Act, known as the amnesty program. In 1988 we became legal residents of the United States. Ten years of living in the shadows were over.

We no longer had to fear the raids or the avocado-green vans that took so many people away. A green card gave my parents the opportunity to look for better-paying jobs. After almost 15 years at the factory, my dad and mom felt free to search for better opportunities and a better life for their children.

(Pedro Arroyo is a writer and producer for KCBX Public Radio in San Luis Obispo, Calif. He may be contacted by e-mail at parroyo13@hotmail.com. This commentary was first published in Hispanic Link Weekly Report in July 2004.) © 2004

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Tabacco’s other victims

­by Dick Meister

Ideally, tobacco should be outlawed. But as long as people continue to use the deadly stuff, those who harvest it for the great profit of tobacco companies deserve far better than the miserable pay and working conditions imposed on them.

“Miserable” is not an exaggeration. Consider North Carolina, the country’s leading tobacco producer. The state’s $500-million-a-year crop is harvested by more than 25,000 workers, most of them Mexican immigrants. Some are documented “guest workers,” some undocumented. Some are as young as 12, as state law allows.

The harvesters make at most about $7 an hour or about $7,100 a year for dangerous, back-breaking work. Most work for growers who do not provide health care benefits and are exempt from the law that requires Workers Compensation payments for employees who are hurt on the job.

Thousands of the workers are afflicted yearly with “green tobacco sickness” caused by overexposure to the highly toxic nicotine in tobacco leaves absorbed into their bodies. Symptoms often last for several days.

Victims may feel a general weakness or shortness of breath, for instance, headaches, vomiting, dizziness, cramps, heightened blood pressure or speeded-up heart rates. At the least, they break out in rashes.

The nicotine also raises workers’ body temperature, already high because of the southern heat in which they work, even higher, sometimes to the point of causing life-threatening dehydration and heat strokes. Yet many workers get little or no medical attention. They’re lucky if they even get rest breaks during their working hours.

Living conditions are generally as bad as the working conditions. Most of the workers live in crowded, dilapidated, frequently rodent-infested shacks in labor camps or in broken-down trailers, many without so much as a fan to cool the stifling summer air and most near fields that are regularly sprayed with dangerous pesticides.

Workers who dare complain about their working or living conditions face the prospect of being fired or turned over to government authorities for deportation.

But there’s finally hope for change, thanks to the Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC), an AFL-CIO affiliate that has helped thousands of workers win agreements from employers in several states to raise their pay and benefits and otherwise treat them decently. That includes some 7,000 farmworkers who harvest other North Carolina crops for pay at least $2 an hour higher than the tobacco workers get.

Backed by an array of community and religious groups including the National Council of Churches, FLOC has launched a drive to win agreements from tobacco growers, primarily through pressures on one of the largest and most influential of the tobacco companies that buy their crops. That’s RJ Reynolds, whose eight brands account for one of every three cigarettes sold in this country. As FLOC notes, Reynolds continues to make billions while those who pick the tobacco that goes into its products live “in abject poverty.”

Reynolds’ officials have so far refused even to meet with FLOC representatives to discuss the union’s demand that tobacco workers be granted union rights and an agreement that would recognize “their need for dignity, respect and safe working conditions.”

Reynolds asserts that it should not deal with the union or other worker representatives because the tobacco workers are not employed by the company. They work for the growers who sell the tobacco they pick to Reynolds and other companies, which set the price and thus determine how much the growers can afford to pay the workers.

But as FLOC President Báldemar Velásquez notes: “The farmers don’t control the system. Those companies control the money, and they benefit the most from the stoop labor of these workers. We’re saying, `Hey, you need to own up to the situation that you’re implicated in.'”

And if they don’t own up?

Velásquez points to the union’s five-year-long boycott that finally forced another major North Carolina corporation, the Mount Olive Pickle Co., to raise the price it pays growers for cucumbers in order to finance higher pay for their workers and to allow union organizers into their labor camps.

Velásquez also mentions the possibility of union demonstrations at meetings of Reynolds’ shareholders and actions against companies that Reynolds does business with.

“The fight for tobacco workers will continue, in any case, until Reynolds commits to joining us in addressing this national shame – the deplorable condition of the tobacco workforce that remains voiceless, powerless and invisible.

[Dick Meister has covered labor issues for a half-century. He is co-author of “A Long Time Coming: The Struggle to Unionize America’s Farm Workers” (Macmillan). Contact him through his website, www.dickmeister.com]. ­© 2007­

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Presidential candidates want to abolish the IRS

­by Marvin J. Ramírez

Marvin RamirezMarvin J. Ramirez

Just a few days ago, the area of Mission and 21st streets had a short pedestrian and parking congestion early evening on November 18, when presidential candidate Hillary Clinton was expected to speak at a campaign fund-riser dinner.

And while celebrity candidates like herself, Obama, John Cain, Rudy Giuliani, occupy the main spots of the news headliners, one candidate is emerging strong from the shadows, from a darkhorse status to player in the race for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination.

For many who have dislikes for Republicans, and those who dislike Democrats, pay attention.

Dr. Paul, a medical doctor, and the only candidate who is not a lawyer, is someone who is worth listing to, especially if you want to start receiving a pay check worth of gold, and not an empty currency that practically has an assuming but not real value, such as the Federal Reserve Note: the American dollar you get paid with now.

Dr. Paul advocates for the abolition of the Federal Reserve Bank, which would do away with the pernicious Internal Revenue Service (IRS), which some people fear more than the devil himself. This also means abolishing all income tax, which although legally filling is now voluntary, most think is the law. There is no law that requires paying income tax.

However, he is against anything that would help undocumented immigrants, from denying birthright to children of the undocumented to having the government pay for undocumented immigrants’ use of the hospitals, clinics, schools, roads, and social services. But his ideas on the Federal Reserve could change the course of the U.S. economy.

And behind him another advocate for the abolition of the Federal Reserve is also emerging in the presidential arena.

Mike Gravel, a 2008 Democratic presidential candidate and former United States Senator from Alaska, will lay out his plans for becoming the “Man for America during his address at the Commonwealth Club on Dec. 11 in San Jose. Gravel, like Dr. Paul, also supports the Fair Tax proposal, which calls for the abolition of the IRS, as well as a withdrawal from the war in Iraq within 120 days.

Perhaps these dissenting voices could bring an special presidential spice on the issue – if the biased media permits it. The fact that that the abolition of the Federal Reserve Bank is being discussed more in the open in more mainstream platforms, is historical and opens all possibilities.

­We hope that the front-running presidential candidates take on this pressing issue in their campaigns. It could bring hope to saving our nation’s financial standing in the world. The dollar is losing its value day by day, in part because the money printers – the Federal Reserve – have been overprinting fiat dollars: money without the backing of gold and silver.

­

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St. Luke’s Hospital faces an imminent collapse

by Ali Tabatabai

Hillary se presenta en la Misión: Manifestantes protestan la visita de Hillary Clinton, quien asistió a una cena recauda fondos en la Misión el 18 de noviembre (photo by Marvin J. Ramirez)Hillary shows up in the Mission Protesters march against Hillary Clinton’s visit in the Mission to a fundriser dinner event Nov. 18 (photo by Marvin J. Ramirez)

California Pacific Medical Center executives, community members, and medical staff from St. Luke’s Hospital convened again on Tuesday, to discuss the fate of the hospital before the San Francisco Department of Public Health.

At the health commission meeting, CPMC executives said they welcomed an open dialogue with the city and outlined their plan for transferring inpatient emergency services to other hospitals in the North of Market area. However, public health officials expressed their dissatisfaction with CPMC’s prior communication with the city about such cutbacks at St. Luke’s.

“It concerns me that [CPMC] is just now developing a dialogue with the commission and the health department,” said commissioner Chatherine Dodd.

Christopher Willrich, California Pacific’s vice president of strategy and business development, said CPMC hopes to explain its long term strategy for improving San Francisco’s healthcare infrastructure and that emergency care services could be absorbed at its other hospitals, including a proposed $1.7 billion new hospital on the Cathedral Hill Hotel site.

“We want to make sure that dollars spent and invested are going to lead to the maximum benefit for the community,” Willrich said.

However, physicians and nurses at St. Luke’s remain weary about the company’s intentions, as well as its numbers used to justify the hospital’s downgrades.

According to a statement released by hospital physicians, CPMC mislead the public when they claimed that 60 percent of the inpatient beds at St. Luke’s remain empty at any given time. The physicians say the figure is based on how many beds the hospital is licensed for, not the actual beds it currently has, which are occupied at 58 percent daily average rate.

“St. Luke’s faces an imminent collapse,” said Dr. Bonita Palmer, who contributed the statement, “Sutter [Health] no longer has plans for us to exist as a hospital at all.”

CPMC, an affiliate of Sutter Health, had originally planned to cut its pediatric and neonatal intensive care unit starting Nov. 16, eventually ­eliminating all long-term emergency stays and turning St. Luke’s into an outpatient ambulatory hub by 2009.

Those plans have been delayed, however, as CPMC failed to comply with a city ordinance requiring official notice be sent to the city’s health commission before such a closure.

A public hearing will be held in accordance with the law known as Proposition Q, at the Health Commission on Tuesday, Dec. 4.

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Nicaraguan banana workers win $2.5M in Dole lawsuit

by the El Reportero news services

A U.S. jury awarded punitive damages to Nicaraguans who claimed pesticides made them sterile.

­On Thursday the jury found that American food giant Dole should pay $2.5 million in punitive damages to five workers who claimed they were made sterile by use of a pesticide on Nicaraguan banana plantations in the 1970s.

The Superior Court jury awarded $3.3 million in actual damages to six workers last week, most of it to be paid by California-based Dole Fresh Fruit Co. and the remainder by Dow Chemical Co. of Michigan. The jury’s finding that Dole acted maliciously in harming five of the six allowed punitive damages to be considered for the five.

The punitive damages were to be split evenly among the five workers exposed to the pesticide known as DBCP.

Lawyers for both sides called it a win. Duane Miller, the workers’ attorney, said it sends a message that multinational corporations such as Dole are accountable for what they do, even overseas.

Nicaragua foreign minister to discuss closer trade in Moscow

­MOSCOW – Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Samuel Santos Lopez arrives on an official visit to Moscow Sunday to discuss closer trade and the possibility of larger defense and machinery product deliveries from Russia.

At the Russian-Nicaraguan political consultations held in May at the level of deputy foreign ministers, the parties expressed their desire to expand cooperation in the energy sphere, the construction of hydropower facilities, tourism development, transport infrastructure modernization and an increase in Russia’s exports of machinery, equipment and technologies.

During his visit, which will last until November 21, López is expected to discuss “measures to make trade more stable and balanced through diversification of its commodity structure, especially via the deliveries of engineering and defense products from Russia,” Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman Mikhail Kamynin said.

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Latino anti-war ties U.S. immigration surge to Irak message

by Marc Heller

Rubén SalazarRubén Salazar

As director of Latinos Against the War, Carlos Montes plans demonstrations against U.S. military involvement in Iraq. So why is he talking about immigration?

“A lot of people don’t see the link,” Montes explains to Weekly Report. Making t:he connection between the Iraq war and the mass movement of people is one way he is trying to stir the Hispanic community to speak out against the conflict, he says.

The Latino anti-war movement could use more spark, say organizers with Hispanic and non-Hispanic anti-war groups. The Hispanic appetite for war protests East Los Angeles made headlines. Journalist Ruben Salazar was killed by police while covering that event for KMEX-TV.

Montes makes this link between immigration and war: U.S. foreign policy whether it’s war or free trade or other positions—leads to globalization, which leads to poverty and unemployment in other countries, which results in mass migration and perhaps more undocumented immigrants coming to the United States.

It’s not that Latinos are absent from the war debate, Montes says. His own group played a part in a Sept. 15 march in Washington against the war and organized an anti-war encampment at the Westwood Federal Office Building in Los Angeles in September.

Latinos Against the War also has helped organize protests against discriminatory U.S. immigration policies.

“Every anti-war demonstration I go to in Los Angeles, I see hundreds of Hispanics,” Montes says. “l always see lots of Latinos marching.”

But he acknowledges that the sight of Hispanics marching may not indicate Hispanic participation in leading roles: “Some antiwar groups don’t have leadership among Hispanics, or blacks for that matter, and we’ve brought that concern up.

Several anti-war groups contacted by Hispanic Link struggled to list Hispanics in leadership positions, saying they had few or none. Of more than 1,400 groups in the coalition called United for Peace and Justice, only a small percentage are Latino-oriented, and the 29-member steering committee has no Latinos, concedes Leslie Cagan, national coordinator.

“There should be. That’s a weakness on our part,” Cagan says.

“The history of antiwar work is that a lot of organizations are white or predominantly white, and we’re struggling to be more multiracial.”

One reason for the low representation may be the military’s success at recruiting Hispanics, says Rafael Sencion, lead organizer of Latinos and Latinas for Peace and Justice, in New York City.

Some Hispanic youths see the Army as a quick way out of rough neighbor-hoods~ he suggests.

Latinos Against the War highlights that issue on its Web site’ bashing the government for “Affi rmative Action programs that heavily and discriminatorily recruit our youth into the military.”

Neighborhoods themselves might even discourage young Latinos from protesting the war, Sencion says’ if young Hispanics don’t see the bigger picture outside their own communities.

Language barriers may discourage them from joining non-Hispanic anti-war groups, he observes.

But, Sencion quickly adds, “Participation is very alive and I think that the Latino community in New York is very much against the war.
­Hispanic Link.

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Cuban and Brazilian dance fusion

by Juliet Blalack

Cubahía­Cubahía

The music and dance of Brazil and Cuba come to life in Cubahia! On Nov. 17, Cubahia! will be at Laney College Theater at 900 Fallon St, Oakland starting at 8 p.m. It will show again on Dec. 2 at 7:30 p.m. at Florence Gould Theatre, Palace of the Legion of Honor, 34th Ave. and Clement St. Tickets are $24 advance and $27 at the door. Call 800-504-4849 to buy tickets, and call 510-528-5306 or visit www.brasarte.com para mas información for more information.

MILK CLUB hosts state senate debate

All of the announced candidates for state senate district 3 are scheduled to debate at the State Building’s Milton Marks Auditorium, 455 Golden Gate Ave., in San Francisco on Nov. 17 from 3-5 p.m. Contact Howard Grayson for more information 415-860-5809.

Che Guevara remembered forum

Ernesto 'Che' GuevaraErnesto ‘Che’ Guevara

Educator Eduardo Martínez Zapata will examine Che Guevara’s life as a socialist leader. A Cuban dinner will be served before the forum at 5:30 p.m. for $8.50 (sliding scale available). The forum costs $2 and beings at 7 p.m. on Nov. 17, at New Valencia Hall, 625 Larkin St., Ste. 202. For more information call 415-730-2917 or email bafsp@yahoo.com.

City College faculty art exhibit

Curators will display City College (Fort Mason Campus) Faculty Members’ artworks in the Coffee Gallery from Nov. 19 to Jan. 22. The gallery is located in the lobby of Building B, Fort Mason Art Campus at Laguna St. and Marina Blvd. The exhibit is free. For further information, please call the Fort Mason Art Campus at (415) 561-1840.

Indigenous artists from California, the larger U.S., and Palestine display multimedia works.

The SoMA Arts Center is displaying Internal Exile: Palestine/Israel, Indian Country/USA, Mexico/ California, a multimedia art exhibit connecting the struggles of indigenous people across countries. These works of Israeli, Palestinian, Native, Chicano and Latino artists may be viewed for free during gallery hours. Musicians and poets will perform for the opening Nov. 19 from 5: 30-9 p.m. Artists will speak on a panel “A Celebration of Resistance” Nov. 28 from 7-9 p.m. For both events, $10-20 is requested but not required. Please contact Susan Greene at 415-271-0576 or www.breakthesilencearts.typepad.com.

Modern Australian circus comes to Berkeley

Circus Oz combines an eclectic mix of original live music, daring stunts, trapeze, adagio and juggling,

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Dominican singer wins all the awards he was nominated for

by Antonio Mejías-Rentas

Juan Luis GuerraJuan Luis Guerra

HIGH ROLLER: Juan Luis Guerra followed an emotional tribute by his peers by winning fi ve Latin Grammy awards last week in Las Vegas.

The Dominican singer songwriter took all the awards for which he was nominated and swept the top three categories of Recording’ Album and Song of the Year.

He was recognized for La llave de mi corazón, an album whose title track was ­a radio hit. The track marked a signifi cant comeback for the veteran artist. It was also named Best Tropical Song. The album was also chosen in the Merengue category.

“It’s my most romantic album’”, said Guerra said.

“They are all love songs. inspired by my love for my wife Nora.” La llave de ml corazón won a sixth Grammy in the engineering category.

The Nov. 8 ceremony at the Mandalay Bay Resort—the fi rst time in eight years it was held in Las Vegas—was broadcast nationally by Univisión.

A day before, the Latin Recording Academy held several tributes to veteran artists’ including the Person of the Year dinner for Guerra.

Singers from all musical genres sang many of the best known compositions by the artist, who was also recog­nized for his charity work.

After performances by Ricky Martin’ Lucero and Carlos Vives, among others, Panamanian singer songwriter Ruben Blades handed Guerra his award.

I’m honored to be your friend and your colleague’” said Blades’ who currently serves as his country’s Minister of Tourism.

Ricky MartinRicky Martin

Also on Nov. 7, the Latin Academy geve its Lifetime Achievement and Trustees Awards to nine distinguished recording artists, most with careers that span several decades.

Launching a week full of related Latin Grammy activities was a fundraiser dinner and auction at the Nov. 6 Las Vegas premiere of Love in the Time of Cholera for the Pies Descalzos Foundation created by Shekira.

The Colombian singer-songwriter performed her songs from the film’s soundtrack, including one, Pienso en ti, chosen by director Mike Newell.

“It’s a song I wrote when I was 17 and I think it symbolizes the longing of a love’” she said The fi lm is based on the Gabriel García Marquez novel El amor en los tiempos del cólera.

Shakira said she was encouraged by the Colombian Nobel laureate to perform in the fi lm, which opens theatrically in the United States this week.
­Hispanic Link.

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San Mateo complex opens discounted doors to the 55+

by Juliet Blalack

Arnold SchwarzeneggerArnold Schwarzenegger

Nazareth Place, located in downtown San Mateo, is offering condominiums to active adults over 55 years old, according to a company press release.

Nazareth is selling studio and one bedroom condos for prices from $199,000 to $339,950. The company also works with The Bay Area Homebuyer Agency to access loans for potential homebuyers.

California air resources board takes a breather from EPA power battle

The state air resources board has decided to delay a lawsuit against the Environmental Protection Agency.

The state was trying to obtain the power to regulate emissions from new cars. In April, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled the federal EPA has the authority to regulate such matters. According to a press release the state is delaying the lawsuit requesting a waiver from EPA control that the federal courts would have to grant.

“Governor Schwarzenegger believes the state and federal government should remain focused on the southern California wildfi res. We have decided to postpone fi ling the lawsuit until the fi res are under control and the victims are on the road to recovery,” said Mary Nichols, chair of the air resources board.

Governor appoints San Diego Latino to Psychology Board

Alex CaleroAlex Calero

Alex Calero, 31, of San Diego, was appointed to the State Board of Psychology by Gov. Schwarzenegger. Since 2005, he has served as staff counsel in the enforcement division for the California Department of Corporations. Previously, Calero was a law clerk for the Law Office of Danny Brace in 2005 and held the same position for the California State Attorney General’s Office in 2004. Prior to that, he served as a legislative aid for Assemblymember Bill Leonard’s Offi ce from 2000 to 2001. This position does not require Senate confi rmation and the compensation is $100 per diem. Calero is registered decline-to-state.

Puerto Rican rums target U.S. Market

Rums of Puerto Rico ­launched a new $2.2 million marketing and advertising campaign in the United States entitled “Here.” The campaign was developed by Group LIH in San Juan, P.R.

The campaign began late October with ten 15- second television commercials produced by Alfa Recording Studio in San Juan. Each spot will feature a Puerto Rican celebrity speaking about a different aspect of Puerto Rican rum, including the history, tradition, location, quality, leadership in sales and the versatility of rum, according to a marketwire article.­

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“Oh, shut up!” said the King

­by José de la Isla

HOUSTON—Confronting Venezuela President Hugo Chávez during a plenary session of the XVII Ibero-American Summit, held in Santiago de Chile this month, King Juan Carlos of Spain, told the Venezuelan to bug-off, in so many words.

The incident occurred when Spanish President José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero had the floor. Chávez interrupted a second time.

In his first interruption, Chávez denounced Spain’s former president José María Aznar. Rodríguez Zapatero cut in while Chávez revealed a conversation he had with Aznar during the former president’s 2002 trip to Venezuela.

Chávez finished the statement, saying, “A snake is more human than a fascist or a racist; a tiger is more human than a fascist or a racist.”

Rodríguez Zapatero called for some respect for the ex-president. “It’s possible to be diametrically opposed to an ideological position and it’s not I who is close to Aznar’s ideas, but he was elected by the Spanish people and I demand that respect.“

Chávez interrupted, claiming his right to express  his opinions.

“Of course. Of course,” said Rodríguez Zapatero. But Chávez continued making interjections. King Juan Carlos, who was leaning back in a chair next to Rodríguez Zapatero, reared forward, his patience tried. Visibly upset, he faced Chávez at the end of the table and three panelists away, and raised his hand in Chávez’s direction.

He then made his now-famous vituperation, “Why don’t you shut up!”

That’s when Chilean President Michelle Bachelet called for tabling private conversations. Now with Nicaragua’s President Daniel Ortega starting to criticize Spanish companies, as had Chávez the day before, the King decided to leave the session. Cuba Vice President Carlos Lage said in Venezuela’s defense that an attack on Spain’s former president was not an attack on the King or on Spain’s current government.

Minutes later, King Juan Carlos returned to attend the closing ceremony at the urging of Michelle Bachelet, who went out looking for him.

Not willing to let sleeping dogs lie at the closing ceremony, Chávez brought up Spanish colonialism as responsible for “the greatest genocide known in the history of our people.” He added Juan Carlos “might be king but he can’t make me shut up.”

In 2003 Chávez had compared Aznar, Spain’s former president, as imperious for saying Chávez ought to not duplicate Cuba’s experience in Venezuela. Then in May 2005, Aznar, who was out of offi ce and visiting Brazil, criticized Venezuela’s relationship with Cuba. Chávez compared Aznar to Hitler and called him a fascist and an “imbecile.”

Two years ago, because of the Venezuelan’s close association with Castro, Aznar called Chávez a threat to democracy in Latin America. He also attributed Chavez’s brashness to domestic failures softened by $60 a barrel oil revenues padding Venezuela’s coffers.

In October 2006, Aznar again called Chávez-brand populism and radicalism a threat to Latin America. In April of this year, Chávez remarked that it’s better to have nothing to do with people like Aznar, telling a group of students that Aznar had supported the attempted coup against him in 2002 and supported the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

Throughout the 1990s and to the present, Spanish corporations have been the leading European investors in Latin America. So much so their commercial interests are sometimes referred to as the re-conquest.

While he was at it, Chávez included Mexico’s Vicente Fox and Peru ex- presidents Alejandro Toledo as “lackeys and puppy dogs of the empire.”

While Hugo Chávez was making his fi nal remarks at the closing ceremony at the National Stadium in Santiago de Chile, Cuba Vice President Carlos Lage handed him his cell phone. Fidel was calling.

Fidel, Chávez told the audience, was remembering the Chilean combat volunteers who died fi ghting Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza. Chávez called on the crowd to send out a cheer to Castro. “¡Fidel, Fidel! What is it he has the imperialists can’t handle.” Maybe it was their last hoorah.

But the multitudes — the nerve endings of economic statistics and commercial strategies — the consumers and workers talked about at forums, they are the ones just now finding a voice and who won’t shut up.

[José de la Isla, author of “The Rise of Hispanic Political Power” (Archer Books, 2003) writes a weekly commentary for Hispanic Link News Service. E-mail ­joseisla3@yahoo.com]. © 2007

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