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Raid or rumor? Reports of immigrations sweeps are warping life in California’s Central Valley

Elizabeth Chavez visits her husband, detained by ICE at the Golden State Annex. -- Elizabeth Chávez visita a su esposo, detenido por ICE en el Golden State Annex.

Rumors of immigration raids are changing life from Modesto to Bakersfield, with attendance down in the Fresno Diocese and some families afraid to go outside

by Nigel Duara

Truth be told, there’s a lot of white trucks in Modesto.

White Dodge Rams, white GMC Sierras, white F150s, white Ford Transit vans, white Suburbans, white Silverados, white Chevy Colorados. So many white trucks, all of them American-made: a sure sign of danger to people who read about a January immigration raid 130 miles south and spent the next two months watching for signs of the next one.

Regardless of who’s inside, those big white trucks have become a symbol of federal immigration enforcement in the heart of California’s farm country.

“They usually show up in white trucks, that’s the first signal,” said Lorena Lara, director of organizing for the Valley Watch Network, a coalition of volunteer dispatchers and legal observers who respond to reports of immigration raids in the Central Valley. “Then we look for license plates, they’ll say DHS, or there won’t be a license plate. The trucks have big antennas, like huge, always American-made. Sometimes you can see a divider between the front and the back.

“You don’t know which truck will be immigration (enforcement). And our dispatchers will get calls, saying there are trucks in the area, even if it turns out to be construction workers or something. Families are too scared to pick up their kids (from school). They’re too scared to go grocery shopping.”

New Valley Watch volunteers learn to watch for white trucks and vans as part of their training. Those volunteers said the effect lingers: When they’re driving to the grocery store or parking at the movie theater, they can’t help but notice them. And for a moment, they’re afraid.

This is the stated intention of the Trump administration’s plan to deal with illegal immigration, part of what the president promises will be the largest deportation program in American history.

“If you are here illegally, we will find you and deport you,” said Homeland Security Director Kristi Noem earlier this month. “You will never return. But if you leave now, you may have an opportunity to return and enjoy our freedom and live the American Dream.”

While immigration enforcement agents continue to detain individual people outside of their homes or at the entrance to a Walmart, the deportation program’s larger hope is to encourage people here illegally to self-deport by creating enough fear and mistrust among immigrant communities in places like the Central Valley.

It remains to be seen whether the self-deportation plan is working.

As to whether it’s creating fear — that part is working just fine.

“It feels like you’re on edge all the time,” said Blanca Ojeda, a Valley Response Network volunteer dispatcher and a recipient of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, a 2012 program that allows people who came to the country illegally as children to receive deportation deferrals every two years. “It’s constant.”

Attendance at Catholic masses is down in the Fresno Diocese, which includes most of the San Joaquin Valley. Callers to the Valley Response hotline have reported that agricultural workers aren’t going to the citrus fields. They’ve heard reports of parents keeping their kids home from school, a trend documented in attendance figures in similar California communities. The flea market in Fresno has emptied out.

The Catholic masses began shrinking after immigration raids in Bakersfield in January, said Diocese of Fresno spokesman Chandler Marquez, and the attendance drop has been especially pronounced “in parishes that fall within the rural areas of our diocese.”

A key factor in getting people to self-deport is making it easy – in this case with an app in which people can report that they’re leaving the country. But just as important is making people in the country illegally worry about what happens if they stay.

That’s where rumors come in. Most are spread naturally, through honest but wary people who mistake a parked white truck for an immigration enforcement vehicle. Sometimes, Ojeda said, volunteers show up to a report of a raid, only to find the rumors were prank calls.

The effect is the same: Fear has a firm grip on immigrant communities in the Central Valley. Ojeda said some families have refused to leave the house for fear of apprehension by immigration enforcement agents.

The Valley Response volunteers have been collecting their stories. One elementary school student complained in class in February that he didn’t have food at home. Upon investigation, Ojeda said, Valley Response volunteers found that the adults in the family hadn’t left the house since the January immigration raid in Kern County in January and were asking neighbors to pick up their kids from school.

“We got them connected with services, we brought them food boxes, but how many other kids are out there (who) didn’t speak up,” she said.

Ojeda said she gave a know-your-rights lecture at a Catholic church in Merced and noticed all the empty pews, even after a Sunday mass. She said the priest told her that his attendance is down 60 percent-70 percent, especially after the Trump administration issued an executive order allowing immigration raids at places that had protected status under the Biden administration, such as churches, schools and hospitals.

Reports have spread among the volunteers of Immigrations and Customs Enforcement impersonators putting blue and red lights on their cars and pulling people over, something that is happening across the country.

“We asked the (Stanislaus County) sheriff what we should do,” Ojeda said. “He told us that you have to pull over if you see (blue and red) lights, but call 911 immediately, if the person comes to your window, call (police) dispatch immediately and ask for their name, we’ll let you know whether yes, indeed it’s an officer, or not.”

The Stanislaus Sheriff’s Office did not return calls and emails from CalMatters. The sheriff has previously insisted in a video message that his office does not enforce federal immigration law. While California’s sanctuary state law dictates what police are allowed to do regarding undocumented people, the law doesn’t have any bearing on the actions of federal agents.

White lies to mom

When Valley Watch Network director Lorena Lara lies to her mother, she tries to make the lies believable. Sure, it looks grim, she says, but it will get better quickly. They can’t keep targeting people, there’s not enough agents. And even if there were, this government doesn’t have a plan to get rid of all the estimated 11 million undocumented people in this country.

She doesn’t believe any of it. The situation is grim, it’s likely not going to get better for people here illegally. The Trump administration does indeed have a plan – it’s published on the White House website. It’s called “Protecting the American People Against Invasion.”

Lara’s mother is an undocumented immigrant who brought Lara to this country from Mexico. Lara lies to her because, she said, the truth would be worse.

“I tell her, well, things are ok right now,” she said from her office in Fresno. “I’m lying by omission.”

It’s a role reversal for Lara and her mother.

“I remember, growing up undocumented, after a certain point, my mom would say, you know, everything’s going to work out, it’ll be fine, this year something’s going to happen with our (immigration) status,” Lara said. “In 30-plus years, nothing has happened. Nothing is fine.

“And now we have this.”

She’s not telling her mother that reports of Immigrations and Customs Enforcement activity are piling up every day. A public website that collects tips about immigration raids publishes the alerts.

“Saw an officer wearing green outfit with a black vest that said ‘POLICE,’ “ read one alert.

“FBI and ICE were conducting raids in Madera. They seen them behind the Lowe’s. There are a lot of trucks,” read another.

“Black truck with tinted windows and Government plates 100 percent sure it was an undercover,” read a third.

In addition to the Central Valley, there are immigration response groups covering every county, from Los Angeles and the Inland Empire to the Bay Area and the far northern reaches of the state.

Along with answering the hotline phone, the groups are organizing meetings with public officials, holding know-your-rights seminars in immigrant-dominant communities and handing out small red cards that explain people’s rights in English and Spanish.

Their efforts to get a friendly ear with elected politicians — especially sheriffs — have been difficult. And even when they get a meeting, such as the one with the sheriff of Stanislaus County, the outcomes have been dissatisfying.

Law enforcement in the Central Valley seems divided on how to balance its need for cooperation from immigrant communities with the presence of immigration agents in their cities and counties — and staying within the bounds of California’s sanctuary state law.

In Amador County, a foothill community on the east side of the valley, the sheriff has proclaimed that he will deliberately violate the sanctuary law by contacting immigration authorities as soon as he has someone in custody whom he believes to be in the country illegally.

Farther south, at the Fresno Police Department, deputy chief Mark Salazar is working to reassure immigrants that they can safely share tips and communicate with officers.

“The police department tries to ensure it has cooperation from Spanish-only communities,” Salazar said. “DEA, (Homeland Security Investigations), all of them, they know we don’t mess with immigration. We don’t mess with Border Patrol, we’re not here to do raids. And so when your federal partners are doing things like that, then (the community) has to know, it’s not us.”

Salazar said the risk of violating that understanding is grave.

“We can’t break that, because if we break it, I think we’ll go back to having crimes not solved,” Salazar said. “We’ll go back to (the) community not trusting us.”

To Lara, dissolving that trust is part of the Trump administration plan.

“Oh, a thousand percent, a thousand percent that’s part of their goal,” Lara said.

Is it working?

“Yes.”

So she tells her mother things that aren’t exactly true, because it’s easier.

“It feels protective,” she said. “It feels like the right thing to do at the moment because I’m trying to maintain a fine line about, like, educating my mom and also having her not spiral and be in the depressive mode.”

In a small conference room in Fresno, she starts to cry.

“The thing between her and I is that it’s unspoken,” she said. “It’s like, Mom, things aren’t fine. They’re worse. What are you gonna do now? Do you wanna stay here, do you wanna go back? And that’s a question that I personally haven’t had the courage to ask her.”

A call comes in over the hotline.

“Hi, this is Elizabeth, I have not heard anything from my husband,” said the voice on the phone. “I’m really worried about the fact that it’s already another day. The lawyer didn’t call me back, is there anything I can do? Like, just anything that can give me just a little bit of hope?”

Inside the ICE detention center

Elizabeth Chavez sits at a four-seat table in the Golden State Annex, an immigration detention facility outside Bakersfield. Seated to her right is her husband, Alfredo Naranjo, 31, wearing a red jumpsuit. Their three children are in their van in the parking lot, waiting with Chavez’s parents.

“We tell the kids he’s working,” Chavez said.

The eldest child is 5. Chavez worries that he’s starting to catch on to their ruse.

Behind the fear in the Central Valley, behind the smaller classes and empty church pews, is the reality of immigration detention. Along with the alarms, false and real, about white trucks idling behind a grocery store, there are the people sitting in places like this, waiting to learn their fates.

At the detention center’s chain-link courtyard entrance on a chilly weekend morning in March, a dozen people mill around under loops of razor wire, waiting to be buzzed in by the Geo Group private prison company employee who runs the front door.

Each door in this facility is remotely operated by unseen guards. Families walk through the metal detector and follow a guard’s directions to the meeting area. Every 20 feet is another hallway, another door, another buzzer.

A final turn and the detention center’s day room comes into view, about 20 tables spread out over a space about the size of a large public high school cafeteria. At each table is a person in an orange or red jumpsuit, sitting in tiny clumps with the people who came to see them.

Chavez has dyed her hair a dark shade of purple. She is chatty, vivacious and afraid. Her husband is quiet. Together, they try to explain how he woke up on a Tuesday morning ready to take Chavez to a hospital visit and instead arrived here.

It all started with the cat.

As they walked out of their house in Patterson, Chavez saw a white minivan parked outside of their house. Her husband saw a small, white cat on the ground, putting its paws on the passenger side’s doors.

“He’s like, look, the cat is trying to get inside the van, and I was like yeah that’s funny,” said Chavez, 25. “It never crossed our heads that there was people in there.”

They sat down in their car. Then they saw the minivan’s driver activate red and blue lights, no siren.

“All of a sudden someone is knocking on the window, like banging on the window, hard,” Chavez said. “Then they said (Naranjo’s) name, which threw us off so much, it didn’t cross our minds that it was ICE.”

Naranjo stepped out of the car. Chavez said the agents started yelling, then put handcuffs on him. Chavez asked the agents for a warrant, and was told they didn’t need one.

The agents told Chavez that Mexico was “asking for” Naranjo. She asked the agent what Naranjo was accused of doing and the agent told her to ask her husband. Naranjo denied knowing what they were talking about.

The agents knew Chavez’s name. Even though she has legal status in this country, she was immediately terrified that they were about to take her, too.

Friends directed her to the Valley Response hotline, which connected her with an immigration attorney. So far, the government of Mexico has not provided any documentation indicating that it asked for Naranjo’s detention.

“We don’t know specifically why ICE may have been targeting him,” said attorney Katie Kavanagh of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “It’s in line with what we’ve been seeing in enforcement actions throughout northern (and) Central California. We are seeing a lot of folks, even with little or no history of criminal arrests, being targeted simply because they have an immigration history.”

Naranjo said he has crossed the border only once, in 2016, and has no other criminal charges against him, but did once get a speeding ticket. CalMatters was unable to find a criminal history for him in Mexico or determine if one exists.

“When he was talking to the kids, he broke down,” Chavez said about Naranjo’s first call after he was detained. “The kids were asking him, like, when are you coming back? How are you doing your homework? Aren’t you coming home?”

The eldest child started to cry, she said, and her middle daughter was starting to sniffle when she decided to lie. For now, the kids still believe he’s at work.

Now, Chavez worries Naranjo’s not eating. Sometimes, he told her, the meal times get pushed back by several hours, and if you miss it, you’ll stay hungry until the next one. But mostly, he tries to assure her that he’s fine and all of this will seem like a bad dream.

“Of course he’s gonna say everything’s OK, because he doesn’t want me to worry about it,” Chavez said. “But I just don’t really know if he’s OK.”

Kavanagh, the attorney who helped with the immediate response, is unable to take on their case. For now, they’re on their own.

So Chavez makes these weekly pilgrimages down to Bakersfield, a three-hour drive each way. Out in the parking lot, the kids don’t know their father is just a few hundred feet away.

Past the parking lot is State Route 99, the main north-south artery connecting the Central Valley, where Valley Response volunteers sometimes chase white trucks.

Further east, just visible on a clear day, is the Sierra Nevada mountain range, blue and snow capped and still, and beyond that an apartment complex in Denver and a a federal courthouse in Chicago and a car wash in Philadelphia where the largest deportation program in American history is just getting started.

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Trump’s defiance of the Supreme Court: A challenge to the rule of law—but not yet contempt?

by Marvin Ramírez and El Reportero staff

In an unprecedented move that has sparked outrage among legal scholars and civil rights advocates, the Trump administration has openly refused to comply with a U.S. Supreme Court order to facilitate the return of Kilmar Armando Abrego García, a Salvadoran man wrongfully deported from Maryland to El Salvador.

At first glance, this might appear to be a textbook case of contempt of court. A man who was legally residing in the U.S., who had a standing immigration court order protecting him from deportation, was forcibly removed—and now the government refuses to bring him back, even after the Supreme Court stepped in. But the reality is far more complex. And while morally alarming, the legal system’s response may not involve the punishment many are demanding.

The legal and moral crisis

Abrego García’s case is undeniably tragic. According to immigration records and a 2019 ruling by an immigration judge, he was not only eligible to stay in the U.S. but had been granted protection from removal. Nonetheless, he was deported in March 2025, an act the government has since admitted was done in error.

The courts moved swiftly. A federal district judge in Maryland ruled that the deportation was unlawful and ordered the government to bring Abrego García back. The Supreme Court echoed this in a 9–0 decision that instructed the government to “facilitate” his return—though it stopped short of spelling out precisely how that should be done.

What followed was an astonishing rebuke from the executive branch. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt claimed the judiciary had overstepped its authority and that the administration had no obligation to charter planes or negotiate with foreign governments under judicial order. The State Department also cited diplomatic complexities with El Salvador and noted that President Nayib Bukele’s administration had refused to cooperate.

Why contempt of court isn’t so simple

Many are now asking: if a U.S. citizen refused to obey a Supreme Court order, wouldn’t they face contempt charges? So why not President Trump?

The answer lies in the constitutional architecture of the U.S. government.

The Supreme Court, though the highest legal authority in the land, does not have its own enforcement arm. It relies on the Executive Branch—the very body defying it—for implementation. The Marshal of the Supreme Court isn’t going to march into the Oval Office and serve a contempt notice to the President. That’s not how American governance works.

Moreover, the Court’s language was deliberately cautious. By saying the U.S. must “facilitate” the return of Abrego García, the Justices left some interpretive wiggle room. This ambiguity could shield the administration from a technical finding of contempt. The government’s argument is essentially that it has tried to facilitate the return but is blocked by a sovereign foreign nation that refuses to cooperate.

In legal terms, contempt typically requires a willful failure to comply with a clear and specific court order. If the order is ambiguous or compliance is arguably impossible due to third-party actions—such as a refusal from a foreign government—it becomes exceedingly difficult to prove contempt in a court of law.

In short: while the administration’s actions may defy the spirit of the law, it may not be violating the letter of it—at least not in a way the courts are equipped to punish.

A constitutional crisis—without a legal remedy?

This situation isn’t just about Abrego García. It raises deeply uncomfortable questions about the limits of judicial authority and the potential for executive overreach in the modern presidency.

We’ve never seen a president flatly refuse to abide by a Supreme Court directive. Even Richard Nixon, under immense pressure during Watergate, complied with a court order to turn over the White House tapes. But the current refusal to comply, dressed up in legal ambiguity and political defiance, is being framed by the administration as a matter of executive discretion in foreign policy.

That framing is dangerous.

It implies that so long as the President cloaks his actions in the language of diplomacy or national security, he can effectively neuter the Court’s authority. If allowed to stand, this precedent could render judicial oversight irrelevant in future disputes involving immigration, human rights, or executive misconduct.

Political consequences in place of legal ones

Since the Court is unlikely to pursue contempt charges against a sitting president—and since such an effort would almost certainly fail without enforcement powers—the remaining checks must come from Congress and the people.

Already, Democratic lawmakers are mobilizing. Senator Chris Van Hollen has announced plans to travel to El Salvador to pressure President Bukele directly. Others are calling for formal censure or even impeachment proceedings, though the political appetite for such action remains uncertain.

It’s clear that this is not merely a bureaucratic mishap. It is a test of whether the United States still functions under the rule of law—or whether our constitutional safeguards are only as strong as the people in power are willing to honor them.

A Slippery slope

While Trump may not be held in contempt today, the erosion of legal norms is a slow process. If a Supreme Court order can be disregarded by claiming logistical difficulties or diplomatic interference, future presidents will take note. The precedent set here may not lead to immediate collapse, but it contributes to the steady hollowing-out of judicial authority.

And in that vacuum, power accrues elsewhere—to the Executive Branch, to strongman politics, to the idea that might makes right.

That is why this case matters—not only for Kilmar Armando Abrego García, whose life remains in limbo, but for every American who depends on a fair and functioning legal system.

Because in the end, the true danger isn’t that Trump won’t be held in contempt of court.

It’s that he doesn’t have to be.

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Musical Tribute to Selena Held

by Magdy Zara

To commemorate the musical legacy of the queen of Tex-Mex, a musical tribute has been organized for Selena, who passed away on March 31, 1995.

On this day, there will be an Easter egg hunt and Easter basket giveaways.

As you may recall, Selena made history in 1994 by becoming the first woman in Tejano music to win a Grammy. Her style blended mariachi, cumbia, polka, and waltz, characteristic of Tex-Mex. With her success, she became one of the biggest stars in Spanish-language music and earned a star on the Walk of Fame in 2017.

If you have singing talent and would like to participate by singing or dancing, you can join the list of those who will be paying tribute to Selena that day by calling 831-210-5215.

The event is on April 20th, starting at 11 a.m., at 925 N Sanborn Rd, Salinas. Admission is free.

Agrupación Folklórica Quetzalén presents its 2025 season

The Quetzalén community folk dance group is preparing its 2025 Tardeada Folklórica, where in addition to enjoying music and dancing, you can enjoy traditional Mexican food, desserts, an artisan market, raffles, family activities, live entertainment, and more.

The funds raised will help purchase costumes for its summer concert, “Así Danzan Los Niños,” and support its general operations.

Grupo Folklórico Quetzalén is a Mexican folk dance ensemble from Sonoma Valley, California. It was founded in 2008 as a project of Sonoma Valley High School seniors. This evening bash will be held this Sunday, April 20, from 2 p.m. to 8 p.m., at El Verano Elementary School (Sonoma Valley), located at 18606 Riverside Dr. Sonoma.

SFMOMA Hosts Art Bash

The San Francisco Museum of Modern Art is preparing one of the most anticipated evenings in the Bay Area, its signature benefit, which for one night transforms the museum into an immersive space of creativity and community.

The evening begins with cocktails and a dinner designed by Firelei Báez, who will transform the 7th floor galleries into a primeval forest of mystery and wonder. Guests will enter an unparalleled immersive space. During dinner, they will participate in a dynamic live auction led by Sotheby’s auctioneer Phyllis Kao.

In the evening, attendees can join the museum-wide party, which will feature guest artists Masako Miki and Jeffrey Sincich.

Additionally, live musical performances by Zack Fox, Martin Luther and Band, DJ Shortkut, DJ Lady Ryan, and more will be featured, in collaboration with the Stern Grove Festival.

Art Bash raises more than $2 million annually to further SFMOMA’s mission of making art accessible to all. Every admission helps fund the museum’s educational and family programs, as well as community engagement events.

This art bash will be next Wednesday, April 23, 2025, from 6 p.m. to 1 a.m. It is exclusive to those 21 and over. The San Francisco Museum of Art is located at 151 Third St., San Francisco.

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Mario Vargas Llosa, Giant of Latin American and World Literature, Dies

The Nobel Prize-winning Peruvian author leaves behind a legacy of unforgettable works that shaped the history of Latin American thought and narrative.

by the El Reportero team

Mario Vargas Llosa, one of the greatest Spanish-language writers, died on April 13, 2025, at the age of 89 in Lima, Peru.

His death closes a golden era of Latin American literature. Author of iconic novels such as The City and the Dogs, Conversation in the Cathedral, and The Feast of the Goat, Vargas Llosa received the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2010, crowning a brilliant career.

With his death, a brilliant chapter in world literature closes. Author of iconic novels such as The City and the Dogs, Conversation in the Cathedral, The Green House, and The Feast of the Goat, Vargas Llosa captured, with a sharp and committed pen, the political, moral, and social conflicts of Latin America. In 2010, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, crowning a career marked by literary excellence and ideological controversy.

From Arequipa to the world

Jorge Mario Pedro Vargas Llosa was born in Arequipa, Peru, on March 28, 1936. His childhood was marked by the separation of his parents and a restless youth that took him to Cochabamba (Bolivia), Lima, and Piura. He studied Literature and Law at the National University of San Marcos, and later completed a doctorate at the Complutense University of Madrid.

He felt a calling to write very early. He published his first book, The Bosses, in 1959, which earned him the Leopoldo Alas Prize. But it was with The City and the Dogs (1963) that he burst onto the international scene. This novel, set in a Lima military school, scandalized conservative sectors of Peru but opened the door to global recognition.

A committed and fierce work

Vargas Llosa’s fiction is marked by a complex structure, a critical view of power, and a profound exploration of the human soul. Works such as The Green House (1966) and Conversation in the Cathedral (1969) consolidated his reputation as a masterful storyteller. These novels display an experimental style, influenced by William Faulkner and European tradition, but with an authentically Latin American voice.

In the 1980s and 1990s, his literary output became more diverse in tone and subject matter. Highlights include The War at the End of the World (1981), inspired by an episode in nineteenth-century Brazil, and The Feast of the Goat (2000), about Rafael Leónidas Trujillo’s dictatorship in the Dominican Republic, one of his most widely read and acclaimed novels.

Throughout his career, he also dabbled in essays, journalism, and cultural criticism. He was a passionate defender of liberal democracy and a critic of authoritarianism, which led him to break with his former leftist colleagues. This ideological shift was also expressed in his political life, when he unsuccessfully ran for the presidency of Peru in 1990 against Alberto Fujimori.

A long-awaited Nobel Prize

When he received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2010, the Swedish Academy praised his “cartography of power structures and steely images of resistance, rebellion, and the defeat of the individual.” Vargas Llosa celebrated with a moving speech entitled “In Praise of Reading and Fiction,” in which he reaffirmed his faith in the power of words to understand and change the world.

The Nobel Prize recognized not only his narrative work, but also his commitment to freedom of thought, the Spanish language, and the role of literature as a critical conscience of society.

Between literature and controversy

Despite his unquestionable literary talent, Vargas Llosa was a figure who did not shy away from conflict. His political stances and criticisms of leftist regimes like those of Cuba and Venezuela earned him enemies, while his closeness to liberal sectors and his defense of the market generated intense debate. Even in his later years, he maintained an active presence in the media, opining on international politics, feminism, and the future of Latin America.

On a personal level, his life was also exposed to the public eye. His romantic relationship with Isabel Preysler, his separation from Patricia Llosa—with whom he had three children—and his presence in the tabloid press contrasted with the figure of the classic intellectual. However, he always returned to writing as a refuge and reason for existence.

An immortal legacy

Mario Vargas Llosa leaves behind a legacy of more than 20 novels, dozens of essays, plays, chronicles, and newspaper columns. His influence is unquestionable among generations of writers and readers, not only for his technical mastery but for his defense of free thought and the plurality of ideas.

Today, the world bids farewell to a writer who not only narrated Latin American history with rawness and beauty, but also helped shape it. His voice will live on in his books, in libraries, and in the consciences of those who understand that literature is also a form of resistance.

He is survived by his three children: Álvaro Vargas Llosa, Gonzalo Vargas Llosa, and Morgana Vargas Llosa. He is also survived by his ex-wife, Patricia Llosa Urquidi.

Mario Vargas Llosa will not be buried, as his last wish was that his remains be cremated. The cremation took place at the Chorrillos Army Funeral and Crematorium Center in Lima.

Rest in peace, Maestro Vargas Llosa.

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Legalization hints spark cautious hope among undocumented workers

by Marvin Ramírez

Much has been said about mass deportations under the Trump administration, and the fear they generate continues to ripple through immigrant communities like mine in San Francisco’s Mission District. Streets once bustling with workers and shoppers now carry an edge of anxiety. Many of the small and mid-sized businesses that anchor this neighborhood rely on undocumented labor. It’s no secret. And sometimes I think: if a mass deportation effort were truly imminent, wouldn’t the Mission be one of the first places targeted? But so far, we haven’t seen mass arrests.

That doesn’t mean people aren’t afraid. Especially those who arrived under humanitarian parole. Every knock on the door or police presence in the area can feel like a threat. Yet amid the rumors and raids, a glimmer of something different has emerged: a surprising shift in tone from President Trump himself.

At an April 10 Cabinet meeting, Trump floated an idea that seemed to contradict his hardline immigration stance. He suggested that undocumented workers—particularly those in farming and hotel jobs—could be allowed to leave the U.S. voluntarily and return legally, provided their employers vouch for them. “A farmer will come in with a letter concerning certain people, saying they’re great, they’re working hard… they’re going to come back as legal workers,” he said.

It’s unclear what “go out in a nice way” or “slow it down a little bit” means in practice. But the comments echo something immigrant advocates have pushed for years: a path to legal status for the people already here, already working, already contributing.

There’s precedent for this. The U.S. already has two visa programs—the H-2A for agricultural workers and the H-2B for seasonal non-agricultural jobs in industries like hospitality. These are imperfect programs, often criticized for being cumbersome and for failing to protect workers. But they’re legal pathways. And Trump, whose businesses have used the H-2B program, now seems to be considering expanding or modifying them as part of his immigration strategy.

This shift in tone may be aimed at appeasing economic stakeholders. The agricultural sector depends heavily on undocumented workers—about 40 percent of U.S. crop farmworkers are undocumented, according to the Agriculture Department. And in 2023, over 1.1 million undocumented people worked in hospitality—nearly 8 percent of that industry’s workforce. It’s hard to deport that kind of labor force without severe economic consequences.

Yet the offer feels conditional. Trump made it clear that those who don’t “go out” under his terms could face permanent exclusion. A 60-day window was mentioned, though it’s not clear when that clock would start ticking. And it’s equally uncertain how many employers would risk drawing attention to undocumented staff by vouching for them—especially in an atmosphere still charged with enforcement.

Here in the Mission, there’s no shortage of hardworking people who would gladly pursue legal status if given the chance. Many have been in the U.S. for decades. They’ve raised children, paid taxes, and supported local economies—often while enduring wage theft, poor housing, and the constant fear of being torn from their families. If “longtime” undocumented residents are to be included in this new idea, it would be a monumental shift. But that remains a big “if.”

Despite the vague promises, this development marks an opening. And for those of us living side by side with undocumented neighbors, co-workers, and family, it’s an opening worth watching. It’s not legalization yet. It’s not even a formal policy. But it’s a conversation that shifts the narrative—from “deport them all” to “some people deserve a path.”

Many immigrant advocates remain skeptical. After all, this administration has consistently emphasized border enforcement and deportation. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem recently supported a policy requiring undocumented people to register with DHS or face criminal charges—a policy that just got the green light from a federal judge.

But when the president who once promised “the largest deportation effort in history” begins to entertain the idea of welcoming back “great” undocumented workers as legal ones, something is shifting. Whether that shift becomes a doorway to opportunity or a trap cloaked in false hope will depend on how the details unfold.

For now, many in the Mission are holding their breath—caught between fear and fragile hope.

NBC News’s Suzanne Gamboa reports contributed to this article.

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You can reverse diabetes: The truth big pharma won’t tell you

by Marvin Ramirez and news services

Diabetes is a serious and growing epidemic affecting millions of people, especially in Latino and Black communities across the United States. It is commonly believed that once diagnosed, diabetes—particularly type 2—is a lifelong condition requiring insulin injections and expensive medications for life. But what many don’t know is that type 2 diabetes can often be reversed through natural, safe, and affordable lifestyle changes—especially diet.

More and more independent doctors, nutritionists, and health coaches are speaking up, showing that the body has the ability to heal itself when given the right conditions. Unfortunately, this truth is often ignored by the pharmaceutical industry and parts of the healthcare system that profit from keeping patients dependent on insulin and other medications.

The truth is simple: Type 2 diabetes is primarily caused by long-term insulin resistance, triggered by poor eating habits, excess sugar, refined carbohydrates, processed foods, and sedentary lifestyles. Over time, the body stops responding to insulin effectively, leading to high blood sugar levels. But the same way this condition is developed—through unhealthy food—it can often be reversed with real, whole foods that help the body restore its natural balance.

What the food industry won’t tell you is this: They are filling grocery store shelves with ultra-processed foods packed with sugar, trans fats, artificial ingredients, and refined grains that cause inflammation, spike blood sugar, and make you gain weight—all factors that worsen diabetes. Even so-called “healthy” foods like diet soda, low-fat yogurt, or breakfast cereals are loaded with hidden sugars and chemicals.

But the good news is that you can take control of your health, prevent complications like blindness, amputations, kidney failure, and heart attacks—and in many cases, reverse diabetes completely.

Here’s how:

  1. Eat Real Food, Not Processed Junk
    •Fill your plate with vegetables (spinach, kale, broccoli, peppers), healthy fats (avocado, olive oil, nuts), and clean proteins (beans, lentils, wild-caught fish, or free-range eggs).
    •Cut out white bread, soda, chips, pastries, and processed meats.
    •Choose high-fiber foods that slow down sugar absorption and keep you full longer.
  2. Eliminate Sugar and Refined Carbs
    •Sugar is like poison for diabetics—it causes blood sugar spikes and insulin surges.
    •Avoid sweet drinks, desserts, and even fruit juices. Eat whole fruits like berries in moderation.
    •Replace white rice and white pasta with quinoa, lentils, or cauliflower rice.
  3. Consider Intermittent Fasting
    •Fasting (under medical guidance) gives the pancreas time to rest and helps the body become more insulin sensitive.
    •Try eating all meals within an 8-10 hour window, for example, from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m.
    •Always hydrate well and break your fast with high-nutrient foods.
  4. Use Natural Blood Sugar Helpers
    •Cinnamon, bitter melon, berberine, and apple cider vinegar have shown promising results in lowering blood sugar naturally.
    •These are inexpensive, safe, and available at most natural food stores.
    •Talk to a holistic health professional before combining them with medications.
  5. Move Your Body Every Day
    •Just 30 minutes of walking, dancing, or biking can improve insulin sensitivity.
    •Exercise also helps you manage weight and improve mood—both crucial for healing.
  6. Sleep and Stress Management Matter Too
    •Lack of sleep and chronic stress raise cortisol, which worsens blood sugar control.
    •Practice deep breathing, meditation, or spend quiet time in nature.

Doctors like Dr. Jason Fung, Dr. Mark Hyman, and others have helped thousands of people reverse diabetes using nutrition and fasting. Clinics around the world are seeing patients throw away their insulin after just months of natural healing. Yet this approach rarely makes the headlines. Why? Because a cured patient doesn’t bring in money.

Insulin, metformin, and other medications are profitable products, generating billions for pharmaceutical companies every year. There’s no financial incentive to promote lifestyle-based cures. But your health is not a business—it’s your right. You deserve to know the truth.

Reversing diabetes is not a miracle. It’s science, food, and commitment. Communities all over Latin America and the U.S. are returning to traditional diets—frijoles, fresh vegetables, homemade meals—and reclaiming their health.

If you or someone you love is living with diabetes, start today. Cook more. Read labels. Walk often. Say no to sugary traps. And say yes to healing your body with real food.

Your health is in your hands—not in a prescription bottle.

 

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Sheinbaum holds ‘productive’ call with Trump as tension looms on trade and border issues

Both leaders had positive comments about Wednesday's phone call. -- Ambos líderes comentaron cosas positivas sobre la llamada telefónica del miércoles. (Casa Blanca/Archivo X.)

by Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies 

President Claudia Sheinbaum spoke to United States President Donald Trump by telephone on Wednesday, a call both leaders described as “very productive” without going into significant detail.

“Had a very productive call with the President of Mexico yesterday,” Trump wrote on Truth Social on Thursday morning.

“Likewise, I met with the highest level Japanese Trade Representatives. It was a very productive meeting. Every Nation, including China, wants to meet! Today, Italy!” he said.

Sheinbaum subsequently acknowledged her call with Trump in a post to X.

“As he mentions on his account, it was very productive,” she wrote.

“We will continue dialogue to reach good agreements that benefit our country and our people,” Sheinbaum said.

The call came a day after Fox News broadcast an interview during which Trump asserted that the Mexican government is “very afraid” of drug cartels and that those criminal groups “run large sections” of Mexico. Sheinbaum dismissed Trump’s remarks at her Wednesday morning press conference, and revealed that her government had sent a diplomatic note to the United States over its transfer of control of a section of land along the U.S.-Mexico border to the U.S. army.

The Mexican president has consistently maintained that her government is willing to collaborate with the Trump administration on security issues but will not accept subordination or any violation of Mexico’s sovereignty.

Trade was likely another issue discussed by Sheinbaum and Trump in their call on Wednesday as Mexico is currently attempting to negotiate better trading conditions with its northern neighbor. Since Trump began his second term in January, the United States has imposed tariffs on Mexican steel and aluminum, cars made in Mexico and goods that don’t comply with the rules of the USMCA free trade pact.

In March, the United States briefly imposed 25% tariffs on all imports from Mexico and most imports from Canada due to what the White House said was the two countries’ failure to adequately stem the flow of “lethal drugs” such as fentanyl into the U.S.

On April 3, Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard said that Mexico’s goal was “to achieve the best [trading] conditions among all countries of the world for the [Mexican] auto industry.”

“The same thing for steel and aluminum. We’re going to be working the next 40 days. That is what comes next, and we estimate that it will be around 40 days of negotiations,” he said.

Ebrard can now add tomatoes to the list of products for which he is attempting to achieve tariff relief, as the United States government announced on Monday that it intends to impose duties of almost 21% on imports of most tomatoes from Mexico starting in July.

5 calls in 5 months 

Sheinbaum and Trump have now spoken by telephone on five occasions since the latter won the U.S. presidential election on Nov. 5. They have not yet met face-to-face.

Here is a summary of the two leaders’ four previous calls.

  • In a Nov. 7 call, Sheinbaum said she and Trump discussed “the good relationship there will be between Mexico and the United States.”
  • After a Nov. 27 call, Sheinbaum rejected Trump’s claim that she agreed in the call to “effectively” close the Mexico-U.S. border.
  • In a 3 call — two weeks after Trump began his second term — the two leaders reached what Sheinbaum called “a series of agreements,” including one to postpone a 25% tariff that the U.S. was about to impose on all imports from Mexico. During the call, Sheinbaum said she committed to immediately deploy 10,000 National Guard troops to the northern border “to avoid the trafficking of drugs from Mexico to the United States, in particular fentanyl.”
  • After a March 6 call, Trump said he had “agreed that Mexico will not be required to pay Tariffs on anything that falls under the USMCA Agreement,” thus suspending tariffs on USMCA-compliant goods that had taken effect two days earlier. “I did this as an accommodation, and out of respect for, President Sheinbaum. Our relationship has been a very good one, and we are working hard, together, on the Border, both in terms of stopping Illegal Aliens from entering the United States and, likewise, stopping Fentanyl,” the U.S. president wrote on Truth Social at the time.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

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CA lawmakers to consider bill promoting ‘virtual power plants’

The states of Vermont and New York have already passed bills promoting virtual power plant programs that can redirect energy stored in devices like parked electric vehicles. (Buffaloboy/Adobe Stock) -- Los estados de Vermont y Nueva York ya han aprobado proyectos de ley que promueven programas de centrales eléctricas virtuales que pueden redirigir la energía almacenada en dispositivos como vehículos eléctricos estacionados.

by Public News Service

A bill to promote virtual power plants goes before the California State Assembly Utilities and Energy Committee next week. Virtual power plants are networks of home energy devices like smart thermostats, stationary home batteries, and electric vehicles that can be used as power sources during peak hours, which lowers the amount of power that electric utilities have to provide.

Assemblymember John Harabedian, D-Pasadena, said virtual power plants would reduce the need to build costly transmission lines and polluting natural gas plants.

“This bill, really in utilizing virtual power plants, is about affordability and reliability and sustainability. It’s a cost-saving measure, and it’s also an easier way to meet demand throughout the state during peak hours,” he explained.

At least 300,000 Californians are already getting paid as part of the Demand Side Grid Support program, agreement that allows the utilities to pull power stored in their smart devices’ batteries to power their home.

Harabedian said Assembly Bill 740 would direct the California Energy Commission to make plans to expand the use of virtual power plants, following the success of a pilot program.

“It has prevented blackouts. It has delivered over 500 megawatts of capacity, about the same as three gas peaker plants, and has saved millions of dollars already,” he continued. “So, the pilot program has been undeniably successful. We just need to scale it.”

A recent study found that virtual power plants could save California residents $750 million per year in traditional power system costs. Some are concerned that utilities may earn less money if the programs expand. So far, there is no registered opposition to the bill.

Backers of Assembly Bill 477 say it is intended to make educator pay rates more competitive with the private sector.

Advocates promote CA bill to raise school funding targets 50 percent over 10 years

A new bill in Sacramento would dramatically raise K-12 school funding targets by 50 percent over ten years. Assembly Bill 477 is intended to help districts raise educators’ pay, to attract more people to the profession and keep them there.

Grace Consentino is a middle-school science teacher in Novato.

“My commute every day is a total of one hour and 30 minutes. I would love to be able to live in the town that I work in, but I live in a separate county because the cost of living is so high,” she said. “This is why teachers leave.”

A recent study on the state of education in California found one in three new educators is seriously thinking about leaving, mostly because of low pay. The bill would hike the local control funding formula.

Opponents say they are concerned about cost. The Assembly Appropriations Committee has not yet completed a fiscal analysis.

Dannel Montesano is a longtime attendance clerk in the Galt Joint Union School District.

“Starting paraprofessional pay in my district is $18.63 an hour, while down the street at McDonald’s, the starting pay is over $20 an hour. So, our schools are suffering from constant turnover and staffing issues,” Montesano said.

California is bracing for a big hit to the state budget, as tax receipts are expected to be lower. In addition, Congress has proposed billions in cuts to Medi-Cal. And the administration has threatened to pull federal funding from schools that promote diversity, equity and inclusion.

Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, D-Torrance, sponsored the bill, which went before the Assembly Education Committee on Wednesday.

“The Trump administration is attempting to dismantle public education and defund our schools. California must fight back to defend public education,” he said.

 

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Alexis Argüello: The gentleman of the ring who brought Nicaragua to the top

by Marvin Ramírez

Seventy-two years ago, on this day, one of the most beloved and transcendental figures in Nicaraguan sports was born in Managua: Alexis Argüello, three-time world boxing champion, a source of national pride, and a symbol of greatness both inside and outside the ring. His story is not only that of an exceptional athlete, but also that of a man who won the hearts of his country for his humility, charisma, and commitment to the underprivileged.

Known as “El Flaco Explosivo,” Argüello achieved glory by winning three world titles in different categories: featherweight, super featherweight, and lightweight, between 1974 and 1981. Each of his fights was a national event. The streets emptied and the radios lit up in unison, with an entire nation holding its breath at every blow and erupting with joy at every victory.

But beyond his elegant technique and devastating punch, Alexis was admired for his humanity. He was a gentleman in every sense of the word. Journalist Ariel Boza remembered him this Monday on his Facebook account:

“A gentleman inside and outside the ring. Today, a happy birthday goes to heaven for an immortal legend. Alexis Argüello not only filled us with glory, but also placed Nicaragua at the top of the sport with pride and dignity. You will always live in our hearts, champion.”

Argüello’s legacy is not limited to his sporting triumphs. He was also a leader, a public servant, and, above all, an ethical figure in complex times. His tragic death in 2009, surrounded by doubts and questions, left an open wound in the hearts of Nicaraguans. But his image lives on, stronger than ever, in every corner of the country.

His daughter, Dora Argüello Urbina, shared a moving message on April 19, reaffirming the deep connection that binds him to his family, even in his absence:

“I don’t have you physically, but I am bound to you by blood; loyalty and eternal gratitude. Although time has passed, they will never erase what we experienced or how much I love you. I will continue to defend you, even if I have to face the world. No one will ever replace you. Another Alexis Argüello will never be born.”

Today, Nicaragua fondly and proudly remembers its illustrious son. And although he is no longer with us, his image remains in every gym, in every young boxer who dreams of emulating him, and in every Nicaraguan who understands that greatness is measured not only by titles, but by the mark left on the soul of a people.

Happy birthday, eternal champion. May the light that never goes out shine upon you.

 

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Trump claims Mexico is ‘very afraid’ of drug cartels, suggests military action possible

Trump made the assertion in an interview with Fox News's Rachel Campos-Duffy. (White House/X) -- Trump hizo la afirmación en una entrevista con Rachel Campos-Duffy, de Fox News.

by the El Reportero wire services

United States President Donald Trump asserted in an interview broadcast on Tuesday that Mexico is “very afraid” of drug cartels, which he claimed “run large sections” of the country.

He made the assertions in an interview with Fox News after interviewer Rachel Campos-Duffy asked him what his plan is to combat Mexican cartels.

“So we’re working with Mexico,” he said, referring to the Mexican government led by President Claudia Sheinbaum.

“Mexico is, I think, very afraid of the cartels actually. I think the cartels run large sections of Mexico and I don’t want to say that because I’m getting along very well with the president,” Trump said.

Without providing any source for her claim, Campos-Duffy responded that “40% of the land mass in Mexico is controlled by the cartels.”

“Yeah, maybe at least, OK,” Trump said. “You know, at least, it’s hard to believe.”

In an address to the U.S. Congress last month, Trump hyperbolically asserted that cartels have “total control” over Mexico and pose “a grave threat to our national security.”

In his Tuesday interview with Fox, the U.S. president went on to say that he is “dealing very nicely” with Sheinbaum, whom he described as “a very fine woman.”

“…The relationship is very good and we want to help her and we want to help Mexico because you can’t run a country like that, you just can’t,” he said.

“[The cartels] have made a fortune and I will say it’s been cut back, way back, because of the border. The border is very, very secure right now,” Trump said.

The interview was broadcast the same day that the United States Department of the Interior announced the transfer of a large swath of land along the U.S.-Mexico border to the U.S. army.

“The land will be transferred to the Department of the Army for a period of three years, subject to valid existing rights. This action is intended to safeguard sensitive natural and cultural resources in the region while enabling the Department of the Army to support U.S. Border Patrol operations in securing the border and preventing illegal immigration,” the department said.

Earlier this month, NBC News reported that the Trump administration was considering carrying out drone strikes on cartels in Mexico.

On the first day of his second term, the U.S. president was asked whether he would consider “ordering U.S. special forces into Mexico” to “take out” cartels.

“Could happen, stranger things have happened,” said Trump, who last year indicated he was open to using military “strikes” against Mexican cartels.

Sheinbaum rejects assertion that her government is afraid of cartels 

At her Wednesday morning press conference, Sheinbaum rejected Trump’s claim that her government is “afraid” of cartels.

She said that Trump and other U.S. officials have their own unique “way of communicating” — an expression she has used previously to effectively dismiss incendiary remarks made by the U.S. president.

Sheinbaum said that the federal government’s security cabinet is “acting every day” to combat crime and violence in Mexico.

“… There is a reduction in crime and the reduction will continue,” she said.

Trump’s cartel control claim

There are various estimates on the percentage of territory that cartels “control” in Mexico, but it is important to stress that they are just that — estimates.

According to a May 2024 estimate from the U.S. military, cartels control around one-third of Mexico’s territory.

In March 2021, the then-commander of the United States Northern Command, General Glen D. VanHerck, said that “transnational criminal organizations” operate “oftentimes in ungoverned areas” that account for “30% to 35% of Mexico.”

Former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador rejected that claim, while in an interview with 60 Minutes last year, he said he “can travel throughout the entire country without problem.”

“There is no region that I cannot go and visit,” he said.

In a 2024 article headlined “How much of Mexico is governed by cartels?” Mexico-based British journalist Ioan Grillo wrote that “cartels certainly exert an amount of control in chunks of Mexico.”

“This can be seen in squads of gunmen operating openly, running checkpoints, ordering curfews, dictating what journalists can report, charging quotas on sales of avocados, moving votes for candidates, and controlling (or assassinating) mayors,” he wrote.

“Yet unlike with the Islamic State caliphate, the Mexican government still operates in those turfs. It provides electricity, sends teachers and collects garbage. And the army can still go in (while the cartel gunmen hide) and then leave (and they come out again),” Grillo added.

A summary of security developments since Trump took office  

There have been a number of security-related developments in Mexico and the United States since Trump began his second term on Jan. 20.

Since Trump returned to the White House, Sheinbaum has repeatedly said that her government is willing to collaborate and cooperate with the United States on security issues, while stressing that it will not accept subordination or any violation of Mexico’s sovereignty. The Mexican government provides regular updates on its progress in combating organized crime, during which it has highlighted that arrests, drug seizures and firearms confiscations are on the rise while homicides are declining.

 

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