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Gavin Newsom signs law overhauling local zoning to build more housing

Los pasajeros observan cómo un tren BART no se detiene en la estación Rockridge BART debido a un cierre generalizado que afectó a todas las estaciones BART, en Oakland el 9 de marzo de 2025. Foto de Ray Chavez, Bay Area News Group. -- Commuters watch as a BART train fails to stop at the Rockridge BART Station due to a widespread closure affecting all BART stations, in Oakland on March 9, 2025. Photo by Ray Chavez, Bay Area News Group.

After weeks of waiting, California’s governor signed a bill that will allow mid-rise apartment buildings near major transit stops in California’s biggest metro areas

by Ben Christopher

Ever since the Legislature narrowly passed a bill last month that will pave the way for more apartment buildings around major public transit stops in the state’s biggest metro areas, the California political universe has been impatiently awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature or veto in a heated statewide game of “will he, won’t he.”

Today, he did.

Newsom’s sign-off on Senate Bill 79 means that apartment developers will soon be able to pack more homes into neighborhoods within half a mile of major rail, subway, and bus rapid transit stops, overriding local zoning restrictions and any possible objections of surrounding neighbors. Buildings immediately surrounding these transit hubs will be entitled to max out as high as nine stories, with those farther out topping out at roughly four.

“The world looks to California for leadership — it’s time to build modern, connected communities that fulfill California’s promise, meeting the needs of today and the next generation,” the governor wrote in a signing statement.

The signature caps a legislative year full of housing policy overhauls that even just a few years ago would have seemed unthinkable. It also reaffirms the governor’s political alignment with the “Yes In My Backyard” movement, which has been championing the cause of building more housing in the face of a statewide housing shortage for nearly a decade. This summer Newsom signed YIMBY-backed legislation to exempt most urban apartment projects from review under one of the state’s signature environmental protection laws. “Go YIMBYs,” Newsom said when signing that bill into law.

The new law is, indeed, a signature victory for the movement. The bill’s author, San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, introduced an earlier version of the policy in 2018 with the support of the then still relatively new political organization California YIMBY. This year’s version, which narrowly passed both the Senate and Assembly last month with few votes to spare, marks Wiener’s fourth attempt.

“In California we talk a lot about where we don’t want to build homes, but rarely do we talk about where we do—until now,” said Wiener in a statement. “SB 79 unwinds decades of overly restrictive policies that have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people away from jobs and transit and into long commutes from the suburbs or out of the state entirely. It has been a long road to tackling these decades-old problems, but today’s signing marks a new day for affordable housing in California.”

Newsom’s signature comes as a grave disappointment for many local governments and neighborhood groups, particularly in Southern California. Last month, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass urged Newsom to veto the bill, saying that it would “erode local control, diminish community input on planning and zoning, and disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” Irate homeowner groups and state legislators raised concerns that mandating higher levels of housing density would “fundamentally reshape” suburban-style neighborhoods.

The “upzoning” policy was meant to be a two-fer: Allow for much more housing construction as a way to alleviate the state’s housing shortage and its resulting affordability crisis, while also steering more residents towards cash-strapped public transportation systems.

Where new housing law applies

Despite the ferocity of the opposition, the bill that Newsom signed is considerably more modest than the version introduced at the beginning of the year.

After 13 separate rounds of amendments, the law will be restricted to just eight highly urbanized counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, San Francisco and San Mateo — and apply only to select transportation stops (train, subway, light rail and high-frequency buses routes with designated lanes). The law will also give local governments alternative means to comply with their own local programs, require a certain share of units constructed under the bill to be set aside at below-market rents and go into effect on a delayed schedule in certain lower income neighborhoods.

Even in that more muted form, the law is one of most consequential changes to statewide zoning rules in modern California history. California pro-housing advocates are taking a victory lap.

“This is the most transformative housing legislation that’s ever been signed into law by any governor,” said Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for California YIMBY. “Gov. Newsom has cemented his legacy as a courageous leader on housing.”

Alongside SB79, Newsom signed a number of other notable bills meant to speed up and reduce the costs of housing construction. They include laws to fast-track the construction of accessory dwelling units, simplify building development processes and let housing developers hire third-party building plan checkers rather than rely on city staff.

Newsom’s housing goal

The changes to state housing law are significant. Whether they result in the construction of a significant amount of new housing will take years to know. High interest rates, unpredictable tariffs and a constrained labor market have resulted in a recent slowdown in building permits. Though Newsom came into office vowing to oversee the construction of an additional 3.5 million units before the end of his second term next year (a goal he revised down to 2.5 million), the state isn’t likely to hit half that ambitious mark.

The bill Newsom signed today, combined with earlier legislation that eases restrictions on development, won’t affect the broader economic forces that make residential construction a tough sell at the moment, said Ben Metcalf, managing director of UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation and the former head of the state’s housing department. “But if costs come down and interest rates drop, you can imagine we’ve set the table for a building boom.”

Over the last weeks, Newsom has come under sustained pressure from both supporters and opponents. Advocates for historic preservation, tenant rights, local control and affluent neighborhood groups, along with Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton and former reality TV star Spencer Pratt, have rallied their respective audiences to inundate the governor’s office with calls and emails urging a veto. Supporters — among them national political commentators, billionaire megadonor Tom Steyer and every corner of the organized YIMBY online universe — have urged their supporters to do the opposite.

Popular interest in the outcome of the bill seemed to escape the confines typical of California legislative debate. Earlier this week, an online betting pool popped up (the odds were always good for Newsom’s signature). The topic even came up during the governor’s guest appearance on the recent livestream of the popular online gamer known as “ConnorEatsPants.”

Responding to a stream of public comments from his audience packed with incessant inquiries about the bill, the streamer prompted Newsom: “I don’t know what this is, but they’re saying you need to talk about SB 79.”

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For the first time, a California county removed its sheriff over misconduct allegations

The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus after allegations of nepotism in her office. It’s a rare event in California history in part because sheriffs are elected officials

by Nigel Duara

For the first time in California history, a county sheriff has been removed from office.

The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus from office today, nearly a year after a damning report from a retired county judge found that she likely violated the county’s policy on nepotism and conflicting relationships.

Removing her wasn’t as simple as firing someone. It took a successful San Mateo County ballot measure that asked voters to choose whether to amend the county charter to grant the board that power.

“Today is the end of a tragic, destructive and grossly expensive chapter in San Mateo County history,” said Supervisor Jackie Speier, a former member of Congress. “I had high hopes for Sheriff Corpus. I voted for her, I held a town hall with her on crime prevention. She had great ideas to modernize the office.

“So it’s tragic to see her time as sheriff come down to this.”

Corpus still has 14 days to appeal her removal. San Mateo County Attorney John Nibbelin said the county’s undersheriff will serve as sheriff.

Corpus, appearing in a blue suit at the board meeting, argued adamantly against her removal. She said she was elected as a reformer, and the changes she tried to push through the sheriff’s office were met with first resistance, then outright hostility, when the old guard in power in San Mateo County began working to undermine her.

“I have sacrificed my peace, my marriage, for this job,” Corpus said. “If I lose my position today, I will walk out with my head held very high. I never bowed to intimidation.

“You may remove me from office but you will not erase the truth.”

Corpus’ legal team, which now includes a one-time member of President Barack Obama’s cabinet, made a half-hour presentation arguing against the legality of her removal.

“Culture change is hard,” said Tom Pérez, who was labor secretary under Obama and former chair of the Democratic National Committee. “From Day One, there were folks who didn’t want her to succeed.”

The county of San Mateo, one of the wealthiest in the country, has been paying Corpus’ legal bills. If she is removed in two weeks, she will be responsible for her legal costs from that point.

Last week, retired Superior Court Judge James Emerson found cause to remove Corpus after a two-week trial that included a cascade of allegations portraying a chaotic picture of her two-plus years in office.

Emerson found that Corpus had “a close personal relationship outside the boundaries of a professional working relationship” with a subordinate, unlawfully ordered the arrest of the president of the sheriff’s deputies’ union and retaliated against a captain who refused to conduct the union president’s arrest because he believed it violated state law.

If Corpus is not removed, she will return to a unique six-year term afforded to elected members of law enforcement in 2022 when the state moved county sheriff and district attorney races to the presidential election year calendar.

About 25 people spoke during the board’s public comment period. Some came to praise Corpus, others to bury her, none more so than the daughter of the sheriff’s deputies’ union president, whom Corpus ordered arrested last year – something Judge Emerson found was retaliatory.

The sheriff’s office alleged that the union president, Carlos Tapia, was doing union business on company time and falsified the record of his working hours. But an investigation by the San Mateo County District Attorney’s Office found no reason to charge Tapia, determining that the errors on his time cards were clerical and concluding that Tapia “should not have been arrested.

A captain in the sheriff’s office resigned rather than arrest Tapia, and Tapia alleged in a lawsuit filed against the county that Corpus demanded his arrest as retaliation against him for complaining about her leadership.

Vanessa Lemus-Tapia, Tapia’s daughter, said at the meeting that Corpus was incorrectly claiming credit for reducing crime in San Mateo County when the rate for most major crimes statewide has fallen.

“That was not her doing,” Lemus-Tapia said, before addressing Corpus directly. “Stop fighting this. Restore trust, dignity and integrity to this department.”

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California’s Proposition 50: Retaliation politics undermining democracy

by the El Reportero staff

A battle over power disguised as fairness

Once again, California voters are being asked to decide whether to preserve the integrity of their electoral system or to enter a political tit-for-tat disguised as “fairness.” Proposition 50, on the November 4 ballot, proposes that the state temporarily redraw its congressional districts in response to partisan maps recently approved in Texas and other Republican-led states.

Governor Gavin Newsom and Democratic leaders argue that the measure is necessary to “level the playing field.” But in reality, Proposition 50 risks undermining California’s long-standing reputation as a model of electoral independence.

The commission that put voters first

In 2008, Californians overwhelmingly approved the Voters First Act, which created the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. For the first time in state history, everyday residents — not politicians — were given the power to draw the electoral maps that define congressional and legislative representation.

The commission’s work, carried out transparently and open to public comment, became a national model for fair representation. It proved that when citizens, not party operatives, shape the political boundaries, voters regain trust in the democratic process.

What Proposition 50 would undo

If passed, Proposition 50 would allow the governor and state legislators to redraw congressional lines midway through the decade. Supporters claim this would “restore balance” after Republican-led redistricting in other states. Yet, by reintroducing political control into the process, California would risk returning to the old era of gerrymandering — the very abuse voters rejected nearly two decades ago.

Once the door to partisan redistricting is reopened, it rarely closes. The measure’s “temporary” label is misleading; its effects could last through three election cycles. The potential cost is also significant: millions of taxpayer dollars to fund new maps while urgent issues like housing, education, and infrastructure remain underfunded.

Voters deserve integrity, not retaliation

Responding to political manipulation elsewhere by adopting similar tactics here does not defend democracy — it weakens it. The promise of California’s system was simple and powerful: voters would choose their representatives, not the other way around. Proposition 50 turns that promise into a bargaining chip in a national partisan struggle.

Governor Newsom may see the measure as a show of political strength, but in truth it risks alienating voters who value honesty and stability over power games. Californians deserve governance grounded in principle, not revenge.

Our position

El Reportero stands firmly with the independent redistricting commission. We urge voters to reject Proposition 50 and to defend the transparent, citizen-driven process that has made California an example for the nation.

We also reaffirm our editorial independence. While this newspaper accepts paid advertising, including from supporters of Proposition 50, such ads do not influence our reporting or editorial positions. Our duty is to our readers — to inform, to question, and to speak honestly.

On November 4, vote No on Proposition 50. Protect California’s democracy and the trust it represents.

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Gavin Newsom signs law overhauling local zoning to build more housing

Asistentes a una manifestación sobre la redistribución de distritos en el Centro para la Democracia del Museo Nacional Japonés Americano en Los Ángeles el 14 de agosto de 2025. -Attendees at a rally about redistricting at the Democracy Center of the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles on Aug. 14, 2025. Photo by Ted Soqui for CalMatters

After weeks of waiting, California’s governor signed a bill that will allow mid-rise apartment buildings near major transit stops in California’s biggest metro areas

by Ben Christopher

Ever since the Legislature narrowly passed a bill last month that will pave the way for more apartment buildings around major public transit stops in the state’s biggest metro areas, the California political universe has been impatiently awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature or veto in a heated statewide game of “will he, won’t he.”

Today, he did.

Newsom’s sign-off on Senate Bill 79 means that apartment developers will soon be able to pack more homes into neighborhoods within half a mile of major rail, subway, and bus rapid transit stops, overriding local zoning restrictions and any possible objections of surrounding neighbors. Buildings immediately surrounding these transit hubs will be entitled to max out as high as nine stories, with those farther out topping out at roughly four.

“The world looks to California for leadership — it’s time to build modern, connected communities that fulfill California’s promise, meeting the needs of today and the next generation,” the governor wrote in a signing statement.

The signature caps a legislative year full of housing policy overhauls that even just a few years ago would have seemed unthinkable. It also reaffirms the governor’s political alignment with the “Yes In My Backyard” movement, which has been championing the cause of building more housing in the face of a statewide housing shortage for nearly a decade. This summer Newsom signed YIMBY-backed legislation to exempt most urban apartment projects from review under one of the state’s signature environmental protection laws. “Go YIMBYs,” Newsom said when signing that bill into law.

The new law is, indeed, a signature victory for the movement. The bill’s author, San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, introduced an earlier version of the policy in 2018 with the support of the then still relatively new political organization California YIMBY. This year’s version, which narrowly passed both the Senate and Assembly last month with few votes to spare, marks Wiener’s fourth attempt.

“In California we talk a lot about where we don’t want to build homes, but rarely do we talk about where we do—until now,” said Wiener in a statement. “SB 79 unwinds decades of overly restrictive policies that have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people away from jobs and transit and into long commutes from the suburbs or out of the state entirely. It has been a long road to tackling these decades-old problems, but today’s signing marks a new day for affordable housing in California.”

Newsom’s signature comes as a grave disappointment for many local governments and neighborhood groups, particularly in Southern California. Last month, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass urged Newsom to veto the bill, saying that it would “erode local control, diminish community input on planning and zoning, and disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” Irate homeowner groups and state legislators raised concerns that mandating higher levels of housing density would “fundamentally reshape” suburban-style neighborhoods.

The “upzoning” policy was meant to be a two-fer: Allow for much more housing construction as a way to alleviate the state’s housing shortage and its resulting affordability crisis, while also steering more residents towards cash-strapped public transportation systems.

Where new housing law applies

Despite the ferocity of the opposition, the bill that Newsom signed is considerably more modest than the version introduced at the beginning of the year.

After 13 separate rounds of amendments, the law will be restricted to just eight highly urbanized counties — Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, San Francisco and San Mateo — and apply only to select transportation stops (train, subway, light rail and high-frequency buses routes with designated lanes). The law will also give local governments alternative means to comply with their own local programs, require a certain share of units constructed under the bill to be set aside at below-market rents and go into effect on a delayed schedule in certain lower income neighborhoods.

Even in that more muted form, the law is one of most consequential changes to statewide zoning rules in modern California history. California pro-housing advocates are taking a victory lap.

“This is the most transformative housing legislation that’s ever been signed into law by any governor,” said Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for California YIMBY. “Gov. Newsom has cemented his legacy as a courageous leader on housing.”

Alongside SB79, Newsom signed a number of other notable bills meant to speed up and reduce the costs of housing construction. They include laws to fast-track the construction of accessory dwelling units, simplify building development processes and let housing developers hire third-party building plan checkers rather than rely on city staff.

Newsom’s housing goal

The changes to state housing law are significant. Whether they result in the construction of a significant amount of new housing will take years to know. High interest rates, unpredictable tariffs and a constrained labor market have resulted in a recent slowdown in building permits. Though Newsom came into office vowing to oversee the construction of an additional 3.5 million units before the end of his second term next year (a goal he revised down to 2.5 million), the state isn’t likely to hit half that ambitious mark.

The bill Newsom signed today, combined with earlier legislation that eases restrictions on development, won’t affect the broader economic forces that make residential construction a tough sell at the moment, said Ben Metcalf, managing director of UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation and the former head of the state’s housing department. “But if costs come down and interest rates drop, you can imagine we’ve set the table for a building boom.”

Over the last weeks, Newsom has come under sustained pressure from both supporters and opponents. Advocates for historic preservation, tenant rights, local control and affluent neighborhood groups, along with Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton and former reality TV star Spencer Pratt, have rallied their respective audiences to inundate the governor’s office with calls and emails urging a veto. Supporters — among them national political commentators, billionaire megadonor Tom Steyer and every corner of the organized YIMBY online universe — have urged their supporters to do the opposite.

Popular interest in the outcome of the bill seemed to escape the confines typical of California legislative debate. Earlier this week, an online betting pool popped up (the odds were always good for Newsom’s signature). The topic even came up during the governor’s guest appearance on the recent livestream of the popular online gamer known as “ConnorEatsPants.”

Responding to a stream of public comments from his audience packed with incessant inquiries about the bill, the streamer prompted Newsom: “I don’t know what this is, but they’re saying you need to talk about SB 79.”

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The Musical: La Muerte Baila Reminds Us of the Importance of Forgiveness

El musical la Muerte Baila nos conecta con las decisiones que tomamos en la vida. -- The musical Dancing Death connects us with the choices we make in life.

by Magdy Zara

The musical: La Muerte Baila is a fun journey into the afterlife, filled with laughter and song. It is a moving story about forgiveness, remembrance, and choosing how to live our lives.

La Muerte Baila is a work by Rebecca Martínez and the Milagro ensemble, which fuses traditional Jarocho music and dance.

It is about a recently deceased soul named Alejandro who has just arrived in Mictlán, the land of the dead, on the eve of the Day of the Dead. But death notices something is different about this soul’s arrival: he can’t remember anything about his past, and there begins a funny story.

On Sundays, October 12 and 19, the performance will be at 2 p.m., with American Sign Language (ASL) interpretation.

The venue selected for the presentation of this masterful work is the Mexican Heritage Plaza Theater, located at 1700 Alum Rock Ave., San José. Tickets range from $10 to $40.

Latino Film Festival Reaches Its 17th Edition

Cine+Más SF announces the start of the 17th San Francisco Latino Film Festival, which this year features a selection of feature films with a powerful narrative thrust, as well as documentaries from across the Americas and the diaspora.

Some of this year’s feature films include: A House with Two Dogs (Argentina); American Agitators (USA); The Dog, My Father, and Us (Ecuador); Angel Falls (Venezuela); and Violent Butterflies (Mexico), among others.

The festival will run from October 23rd to November 6th. Screenings will take place in San Francisco at the Roxie Theatre, the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts, Apple Cinemas, Artists’ Television Access, SPARK Social, and the Ninth Street Film Center. For more information on the schedule, visit https://cinemas17.eventive.org.

Cirque du Soleil ECHO Returns to San Francisco

The magic of Cirque du Soleil ECHO returns to San Francisco, where poetry, scenography, daring acrobatics, and cutting-edge technology come together to explore the delicate balance between people, animals, and the world we share.

This show, offered under the Big Top, offers bold visuals, a unique aesthetic, and vibrant characters that bring to life a universe of color and wonder. Inspired by youthful optimism, inventiveness, and the value of empathy.

ECHO is about Future, a young woman who invites you into a fantasy world where she meets animal and human characters, who, driven by a spirit of collaboration, join forces to slowly rebuild their planet and create a better world.

Cirque du Soleil will perform in San Francisco from November 20th to January 18th. The Big Top will be located in Oracle Park – Parking Lot A. Tickets are now on sale.

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Caifanes: Between shadow and light, the myth of rock in Mexico

by Mexico Desconocido

Caifanes is one of the most influential bands in Mexican rock. Discover their story, from their origins to their transformation into a legend.

To speak of rock in Spanish without mentioning Caifanes is practically impossible. The Mexican band, which emerged in the mid-1980s, broke boundaries, fused genres, and built a legacy that continues to shape generations to this day.
Their story is filled with creativity, internal tensions, breakups, reunions, and memorable moments that have made them one of the most important groups in Latin America.

The Origins: From Las Insólitas Imágenes de Aurora to Caifanes
Before becoming Caifanes, Saúl Hernández, Alejandro Marcovich, and Alfonso André were part of Las Insólitas Imágenes de Aurora in 1984. This project, which began almost by accident to fund a university thesis, served as a creative laboratory for what would later become one of the key bands in Mexican rock.
In 1987, Saúl Hernández decided to form a new project together with Diego Herrera, Sabo Romo, and Alfonso André. The name Caifanes came from Mexican urban slang referring to someone sharp and respected, though it also relates to the 1967 film Los Caifanes.
The group debuted that April at Rockotitlán, a fundamental venue for Mexico’s rock movement.

First Albums and the Conquest of the Public
In 1988, they released their self-titled debut album—known as Mátenme porque me muero—which included songs such as Viento, Amanece, and a version of La negra Tomasa, which opened the door to a massive audience. Despite initial skepticism from record labels over their gothic aesthetic and unconventional sound, Caifanes quickly became a sensation.
With El diablito (1990), featuring Alejandro Marcovich on guitar, came classics like La célula que explota and Antes de que nos olviden—the latter a tribute to the victims of the 1968 Tlatelolco repression. The fusion of rock with elements of Mexican music gave them an unmistakable identity.
In 1992, the release of El silencio—produced by Adrian Belew, former member of King Crimson—solidified their international reputation. Songs like No dejes que, Nubes, and Afuera became anthems still sung at every concert today.
Their last studio album, El nervio del volcán (1994), featured songs like Ayer me dijo un ave, but also marked the beginning of tensions that led to the band’s breakup in 1995.

Separation, Jaguares, and the Reunion
The history of Caifanes is also defined by changes in its lineup. Founding bassist Sabo Romo left the band for the first time in 1993 amid tensions following El silencio’s tour. Alejandro Marcovich joined in 1989 and stayed until 1995. Although he took part in the 2011 reunion, he departed for good soon after.
After the breakup, Saúl Hernández founded Jaguares, a project through which he continued exploring Spanish-language rock for over a decade.
Caifanes reunited once again in 2011 for the Vive Latino Festival, performing a historic concert before more than 70,000 people. Since then, Caifanes has returned to the stage with Saúl Hernández, Alfonso André, Sabo Romo, and Diego Herrera as the core members—though without Marcovich, with whom irreconcilable differences persist.
However, the reunion was not without its troubles. Understanding one of Mexico’s most important bands is impossible without acknowledging the tensions among its members. While Sabo Romo played again with the band from 2011, he was dismissed ten years later—without prior notice.
Today, Caifanes continues performing without Sabo Romo and Marcovich, with Saúl Hernández, Alfonso André, and Diego Herrera forming the group’s main core.

Sound and Identity
Caifanes’ genre is difficult to categorize. Throughout their career, they have fused gothic rock, new wave, psychedelia, and Latin rhythms, creating an innovative sound. Their lyrics—rich in metaphors and symbolism—address themes such as love, spirituality, death, and Mexico’s history, allowing them to deeply connect with their audience.
Songs like La célula que explota, Antes de que nos olviden, Afuera, and Viento are part of the collective memory of Spanish-language rock and are among the genre’s most iconic.

Essential Discography of Caifanes
• Caifanes (1988)
Includes Mátenme porque me muero, Viento, Amanece, and La negra Tomasa.
• El diablito (1990)
Features Antes de que nos olviden, Los dioses ocultos, and La célula que explota.
• El silencio (1992)
Considered one of the best albums in Mexican rock, with classics like Afuera, Nubes, Piedra, and No dejes que.
• El nervio del volcán (1994)
Their last studio production, including Ayer me dijo un ave, Aviéntame, and Quisiera ser alcohol.

To these are added later singles such as Heridos (2019), Sólo eres tú (2022), Inés (2023), and the recent Y caíste (2025).

The Chaotic Concert at Venustiano Carranza in 1995
One of the most remembered episodes in Caifanes’ history occurred on February 19, 1995, when they offered a free concert in the plaza of Venustiano Carranza, organized by Radio Centro.
The event gathered around 40,000 people and began in the morning under intense heat. As hours passed, the crowd became difficult to control. Rocks and bottles were thrown, radio station vehicles and patrol cars were damaged, small fires broke out, and clashes forced police to intervene with tear gas.
The concert ended in chaos and became one of the most turbulent moments in the band’s history—just before their official breakup.

Triumphant Return
On September 15, 2025, Caifanes made history again with a free concert in the plaza of Venustiano Carranza, Mexico City. The event, held as part of Independence Day celebrations, drew thousands who sang along to every song in a night that confirmed once again that the band remains a symbol of cultural and musical identity.
With this performance, Caifanes reaffirmed that their music transcends generations—and that their legacy not only belongs to the past but continues to beat strongly in the present.

https://youtu.be/2q-tJPcUtTA

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Rendering of newly proposed Potrero Yard project

Massive Mission District affordable housing plan slashed to 100 units amid funding crisis

by the El Reportero staff, with reports by Marina Newman of Mission Local

A bold vision for affordable housing in San Francisco’s Mission District has been dramatically reduced, as the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) confirmed that the Potrero Yard Modernization Project will now include just 100 units — down from the original 513-unit plan.

Originally designed to rise above the city’s sprawling Muni bus yard at 17th and Bryant streets, the project promised more than 700 bedrooms of rental housing, three ground-floor retail spaces, and a rooftop park to serve the surrounding neighborhood. It would have been the largest addition of affordable housing in the Mission in decades.

The project had already been downsized last year from 513 units to 465 to accommodate larger family-sized apartments. But the agency announced on September 30 that, due to financial constraints, it would shrink the development even further — an 80 percent reduction.

“Unfortunately, the current scope of the project is well beyond what we can afford,” the SFMTA said in a statement. “To move forward with this critical investment in Muni service, we have to make very difficult decisions to lower costs.” The agency declined further comment.

Modernizing the century-old Potrero bus yard is estimated to cost $560 million, with a large portion of that budget needed to reinforce the roof to support housing above. The new plan envisions a single-story bus maintenance facility with a slim row of affordable housing along Bryant Street between 17th and 18th streets.

The details of the income levels for the remaining subsidized units have not yet been clarified. Previous proposals aimed to accommodate tenants with household incomes ranging from $30,250 to $121,000 for single residents and $43,350 to $172,900 for families of four.

Funding has long been a challenge. Earlier plans relied on a combination of local, state, federal, and regional resources, which have been difficult to secure. In January 2024, SFMTA expressed optimism about finding the necessary financing, but four months later the agency announced that the full project remains unaffordable.

The project now faces a deadline: if the SFMTA Board of Directors does not approve a project agreement by March 31, 2026, the bus yard modernization and even the 100-unit housing plan could be canceled.

Local housing advocates are frustrated. Chris Arvin, a member of SFMTA’s Citizens Advisory Committee, criticized the city for failing to allocate adequate funding. “This is a failure on the part of the city,” Arvin said. “The SFMTA is just working with what they have.”

Anne Stanley, a spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development (MOHCD), emphasized that the office remains committed to building housing at the site, while noting that funding depends on state and federal resources. “MOHCD continues to work closely with SFMTA to ensure the Potrero Yard project is financially viable, which is a critical step toward advancing both infrastructure and future housing development,” she said.

As the Potrero Yard project is scaled back, San Francisco faces a sobering reminder of the financial and logistical obstacles in delivering affordable housing in one of the city’s most expensive neighborhoods.

 

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When transition goes wrong: Detransitioners struggle in silence

by El Reportero staff, with reports by Claire Marie Merkowsky

Recent research from York University sheds light on a growing but often overlooked crisis: individuals who regret gender-transitioning procedures—known as detransitioners—find themselves abandoned by the medical system, their friends, and even the LGBTQ community. The study, published in the International Journal of Transgender Health, surveyed 957 participants in the U.S. and Canada aged 16 and older who had experienced detransition. The findings are troubling: there are no formal healthcare guidelines to support these individuals, leaving many to face physical and emotional hardships alone.

“I feel so alienated now, and super isolated from the rest of the queer community,” one detransitioner reported. Another added, “I lost every adult and friend in my life when I chose to detransition.” A third lamented, “I lost everything I had socially.” One participant revealed the stark medical neglect they faced: “I was turned down by four surgeons and ghosted by the one who did the mastectomy.” These testimonials highlight a systemic failure to care for patients who regret their gender transition decisions.

The study’s recruitment relied heavily on social media, outreach to over 615 LGBT organizations, and prior research participants. It also noted that the research team itself was primarily composed of LGBT researchers, raising questions about potential biases but also underscoring the importance of listening to detransitioners’ voices within communities that often prioritize affirmation of transition above other considerations.

Detransitioners face both physical distress and social isolation. Surgeries and hormone therapies intended to “affirm” gender may leave lasting physiological consequences, while social rejection can exacerbate mental health struggles. According to the study, detransphobia—a combination of stigma, social misrecognition, and barriers to care—plays a key role in the marginalization of these individuals. Those who shift gender after an initial transition are often met with hostility or indifference from sexual and gender minority communities.

Medical research confirms that gender-transitioning procedures carry risks, particularly for young people. Studies indicate that children experiencing gender dysphoria frequently outgrow it—more than 80 percent by late adolescence. For those who undergo irreversible surgeries or hormone treatments, the long-term impact can be profound. Evidence shows that these procedures do not resolve underlying mental health issues and may increase the risk of self-harm or suicide. Critics argue that the medical establishment sometimes prioritizes ideological or financial motives over patient safety, starting cases with predetermined conclusions in favor of “transitioning.”

Indeed, past exposés reveal a troubling reality: some so-called “gender-affirming” physicians acknowledge financial incentives. A 2022 report about Vanderbilt University Medical Center’s Clinic for Transgender Health captured Dr. Shayne Sebold Taylor stating, “These surgeries make a lot of money.” When financial interests or activist priorities overshadow thorough medical evaluation, patients—especially vulnerable youth—can be misled into life-altering decisions they may later regret.

The plight of detransitioners calls for urgent reform. Medical guidelines must be established to ensure access to physical and psychological care for those seeking to reverse or halt their transitions. Mental health support should be nonjudgmental, and communities—including LGBTQ spaces—must recognize the legitimacy of these experiences rather than ostracize individuals for changing their minds. Compassion and professional care should never depend on the popularity of an ideology.

Above all, we must remember that many who pursue gender transitions are young and impressionable, often navigating peer pressure, social media influences, and internal confusion without adequate guidance. A nuanced approach—one that prioritizes careful evaluation and long-term well-being over affirmation at any cost—could prevent unnecessary suffering. Detransitioners deserve empathy, medical support, and a society willing to listen without judgment.

The silence surrounding their struggles is deafening, but ignoring their voices only deepens the harm. It is time for the medical community, policymakers, and social networks to provide the care and understanding that detransitioners desperately need. Every person deserves the opportunity to make life-altering decisions safely—and, if necessary, to receive support when they choose to reconsider them.

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The case for voter ID: Safeguarding Trust in the United States’ Elections

Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvin Ramirez

Voting is not just a civic duty — it’s the foundation upon which all democratic institutions rest. Yet today, the integrity of that act has become a source of controversy. While both major political parties agree that every eligible citizen should have access to the ballot, they diverge on how to ensure that each vote is legitimate. At the center of that debate stands one question: should voters be required to present valid identification before voting?

The logic behind voter ID laws is simple: to confirm that the person voting is indeed who they claim to be. It’s a safeguard, not a barrier. Americans present identification for countless routine activities. From banking to traveling, from entering federal buildings to receiving public benefits — ID is a part of everyday life. Voting, arguably the most consequential act of citizenship, should not be the exception.

Critics warn that voter ID laws could suppress turnout among marginalized groups. Yet experience in several states tells a different story. In Georgia, for example, turnout among Black and Hispanic voters increased after the state implemented ID requirements, thanks in part to outreach and free ID programs. The data suggest that when governments make it easy to obtain identification, participation remains strong — and public confidence rises.

The integrity issue becomes more pressing in states like California, where mail-in voting is now the default. While mail voting expands access, it also creates vulnerabilities. Ballots sent to outdated addresses can fall into the wrong hands. Even if intentional fraud remains rare, the perception of insecurity can be just as damaging. In democracy, perception shapes legitimacy.

A voter ID system could coexist with mail-in voting if properly implemented. Ballots could require a verified voter ID number, just as tax filings use Social Security numbers. Digital verification methods already exist that can confirm identity without requiring in-person presence. What’s missing is political will — not technology.

Rather than framing voter ID as a partisan issue, leaders should view it as a civic responsibility. A bipartisan effort to ensure both access and security would strengthen faith in democracy. The federal and state governments could jointly fund initiatives to issue free identification to all eligible citizens, with mobile units reaching rural and underserved areas.

No American should be prevented from voting due to lack of identification — but neither should Americans have to question whether their elections are secure. Both values can coexist.

As 2026 approaches, lawmakers could introduce a gradual implementation plan, giving citizens ample time to obtain identification. Public information campaigns could educate voters, ensuring no one is left behind. This balanced approach would make elections more credible, not less inclusive.

Ultimately, the question is not whether we trust voters — it’s whether we trust the system that counts their votes. Requiring voter ID is not about restricting democracy; it’s about reaffirming it.

In a time when misinformation and division threaten national unity, restoring confidence in elections should be a shared goal. One person, one vote — verified, legitimate, and trusted. That is the cornerstone of a healthy democracy.

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Health and wellness tourism drives Guatemala’s economy

by El Reportero Cable Services

Guatemala’s health and wellness tourism sector has seen remarkable growth, fueled by advanced technologies that enhance patient experience and outcomes. According to the Guatemalan Exporters Agency (Agexport), the industry recorded an eight percent increase, marking its best year ever.

Despite competition from regional destinations like Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic, Guatemala has established itself through high-quality medical services, particularly in dentistry, preventive medicine, orthopedics, and traumatology. The country attracts patients mainly from the United States, Central America, and Mexico, with smaller numbers from Europe, including the United Kingdom and Spain.

To boost the sector’s competitiveness, Agexport is preparing the next Health and Wellness Congress on October 16. The event will gather national and international leaders to discuss trends, technological advances, and strategies driving growth.

The congress will feature an updated Destination Health GT, a platform integrating and promoting Guatemala’s medical, wellness, and tourism services. Inspired by the Guatemalan Institute of Tourism’s strategy for Tourist Destinations, it aims to raise Guatemala’s profile in international markets, said Otto Coyoy, chairman of Agexport’s Health and Wellness Tourism Commission.

Coyoy emphasized that international collaboration is vital for growth, highlighting the participation of Verónica Camacho, president of the Ibero-American Wellness & Health Association of Costa Rica. The 2025 edition will also highlight projects by the University of the Valley of Guatemala and its Faculty of Biomedical Engineering, showcasing the talents of Guatemalan students and professionals.

In other non related news

Dominican Republic to Host Latin American Conference on Addictions
Santo Domingo, Oct. 8 (Prensa Latina) – The Dominican Republic will host the Latin American Conference of Therapeutic Communities, bringing together specialists from twenty countries to examine the psychosocial effects of substance use.

Organized by the National Drug Council, the Latin American Federation of Therapeutic Communities, and the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo, with support from the Ministry of Public Health, the conference seeks to strengthen regional cooperation in prevention, treatment, and social reintegration.

From November 5 to 7, experts will share experiences, best practices, and research to improve program effectiveness. Technical exchange and adoption of quality standards supporting health-focused and inclusive drug policies will also be promoted. The official opening will take place November 5 at the Manuel del Cabral Hall, Pedro Mir Library, UASD, Santo Domingo.

 

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