Friday, March 6, 2026
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NOTICE FROM THE CHIEF ELECTION OFFICER REGARDING THE TIME AND LOCATION OF THE STATEWIDE DIRECT PRIMARY

NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that a Statewide Direct Primary Election will be held on Tuesday, June 2, 2026, in San Mateo County.

NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN TO ALL QUALIFIED PERSONS that elections will be held for the following offices in San Mateo County, California, for the purpose of electing members to the Federal, State, and County Offices listed below:

Federal and State Offices: United States Representative, Districts 15 and 16: One 2-year term each, beginning January 3, 2027
Governor: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Vice Governor: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Attorney General: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Secretary of State: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Comptroller: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027 2027
Treasurer: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Insurance Commissioner: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Member, State Board of State Taxation, District 2: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Member, State Assembly, Districts 19, 21, and 23: 2-year term each beginning December 7, 2026
State Nonpartisan Offices:
State Superintendent of Public Education: 4-year term beginning January 4, 2027
County Nonpartisan Offices:
Superior Court Judge, 9 seats available: 6-year term each beginning January 4, 2027
Member, Board of Supervisors, Districts 2 and 3: 4-year term each four-year terms each, beginning January 4, 2027
County Assessor-Secretary-Recorder: Four-year term beginning January 4, 2027
County Comptroller: Four-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Medical Examiner: Four-year term beginning January 4, 2027
Treasurer-Tax Collector: Four-year term beginning January 4, 2027
County Superintendent of Schools: Four-year term beginning January 4, 2027

Statements of candidacy and nomination documents for eligible candidates wishing to run for any of the elected offices may be obtained from the San Mateo County Division of Registration and Elections, 40 Tower Road, San Mateo, CA 94402, (650) 312-5222 beginning February 9, 2026, and must be filed no later than 5:00 p.m. on March 6, 2026. If any eligible officeholder fails to file nomination documents by the established date and time, voters will have until 5:00 p.m. on March 11, 2026 to nominate candidates other than the incumbent of such office.

I FURTHER PROCLAIM that in such election, the proposed constitutional amendments, questions, propositions, and bills shall be submitted to the electors for a vote, as required by the Constitution and laws of this State.

NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that principal arguments for or against county, school district, or special district bills may be submitted in writing to the San Mateo County Division of Registration and Elections, 40 Tower Road, San Mateo, CA 94402, for printing and distribution to voters, pursuant to the provisions of the California Election Code, no later than 5:00 p.m. on March 10, 2026. Rebuttal arguments from the authors of such principal arguments may be submitted in the same manner until 5:00 p.m. March 17, 2026.
The printed arguments submitted to voters will be titled either “Argument in Favor of Bill ___” or “Argument Against Bill ___,” and “Rebuttal to the Argument in Favor of Bill ___” or “Rebuttal to the Argument Against Bill ___,” respectively.

All arguments regarding the aforementioned bills must include the following model declaration, which must be signed by each author and proponent of the argument:
The undersigned proponent(s) or author(s) of argument ___________ (main or rebuttal) ___________ (for or against) of Bill ___ on the ballot for the _____________________________ (name of the election) for the _____________________________ (name of the jurisdiction) to be held on _______________ (date of the election), hereby declare that said argument is true and correct to the best of their knowledge and belief.

Signed
____________________________
Date
____________________________

No main argument shall exceed 300 words. Only one argument for and one argument against each bill shall be selected for printing and distribution to voters. No argument may bear more than five signatures.

The authors of the main arguments for or against each bill may draft and submit rebuttal arguments not exceeding 250 words. The authors may authorize in writing any other person or persons to draft, submit, or sign the rebuttal argument. No rebuttal argument may bear more than five signatures.

FURTHERMORE, NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that a 10-calendar-day inspection period will be established for public review of these arguments. During this period, any registered voter eligible to vote on the bills, or the election official, may seek a court order or writ requiring that some or all of the material be amended or struck down. The period for reviewing the main arguments for or against ballot measures will begin at 5:00 p.m. on March 10, 2026, and will end at 5:00 p.m. on March 20, 2026. The period for reviewing rebuttals to the main arguments for or against ballot measures will begin at 5:00 p.m. on March 17, 2026, and will end at 5:00 p.m. on March 27, 2026.
FURTHERMORE, NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that all Voting Centers will be open for at least eight hours daily, beginning ten days before Election Day, from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m., including weekends and holidays. Voting Centers will be open from 7:00 a.m. at 8:00 p.m. on Election Day.

PLEASE BE ADVISED that all ballots for the Election to be held on Tuesday, June 2, 2026, will be counted at the location indicated below:
County of San Mateo
Registration & Elections Division
40 Tower Road
San Mateo, CA 94402
Dated: February 20, 2026
/f/ Mark Church
Chief Elections Officer and
County Appraiser-Secretary-Recorder
2/20/26
CNS-4014928#
THE REPORTER

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NOTICE INVITING FORMAL BIDS.

Notice is hereby given that the governing board (“Board”) of the Peralta Community College District (“District”) will receive by electronic submission, bids for the following project, Bid 25-26/07 Laney College Student Center Improvements. The Project consists of all labor, materials, equipment, and services necessary to provide the building improvements to the Student Center building located at Laney College, 900 Fallon St, Oakland, CA 94607. Contract Documents are available as of February 20, 2026, for review and may be downloaded from the District’s Purchasing website.

https://hub.planetbids.com/hub/bm/bm-detail/138511

The District will only receive bids submitted electronically. Bids will be received until 2:00 p.m., April 13, 2026, only at the following web address:

https://hub.planetbids.com/hub/bm/bm-detail/138511

Any bid submitted after this time will be nonresponsive and returned to the bidder. Each bidder is solely responsible for the timely submission of its bid; the District is not responsible for any technological issues in a bidder’s ability to timely submit its bid or portion thereof on time. Any claim by a bidder of error in its bid must be made in compliance with section 5100 et seq. of the Public Contract Code. Prior to publicly reading aloud bids at the video conference, the District reserves the right to verify the genuineness of any bid security.

There is a mandatory site visit on March 3, 2026, at 2:00 pm, at Laney College, 900 Fallon St, Oakland, CA 94607. Building F, Room 200.

To bid on this Project, the Bidder is required to be registered as a public works contractor with the Department of Industrial Relations and to possess one or more of the following State of California Contractor Licenses: Class A or B. The Bidder’s license(s) must remain active and in good standing throughout the term of the Contract.

The successful Bidder shall be required to furnish a 100% Performance Bond and a 100% Payment Bond if it is awarded the contract for the Work. The successful Bidder may substitute securities for any monies withheld by the District to ensure performance under the Contract, in accordance with the provisions of section 22300 of the Public Contract Code.

The successful Bidder shall comply with all requirements of Division 2, Part 7, Chapter 1, of the Labor Code and Title 8 of the California Code of Regulations. For all work performed pursuant to this Contract, the Contractor and all subcontractors shall pay all workers not less than the general prevailing rate of per diem wages and for holiday and overtime work as determined by the Director of the Department of Industrial Relations, State of California, (“DIR”) for the type of work performed and the locality in which the work is to be performed within the boundaries of the District, pursuant to sections 1770 et seq. of the California Labor Code. Prevailing wage rates are also available from the District or the DIR website at: http:// www.dir.ca.gov. This Project is subject to labor compliance monitoring and enforcement by the DIR.

The Bidder and all Subcontractors under the Bidder shall comply with applicable federal, State, and local requirements relating to COVID-19 or other public health emergency/epidemic/ pandemic including, if required, preparing, posting, and implementing a Social Distancing Protocol.

The Board reserves the right to reject any and all bids and/or waive any irregularity in any bid received. Unless otherwise required by law, no bidder may withdraw its bid for ninety (90) days after the date of the bid opening.

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Romantic night “Bésame Mucho rhythm”

Chucho Valdez performs four shows in SF. (Courtesy: www.billboard.com/espanol/) -- Chucho Valdez realiza cuatro presentaciones en SF.

by Magdy Zara

With the goal of honoring the “Sacred Feminine” and the “Sacred Masculine,” a special romantic evening will be held, where poetry and music will take center stage.

Luz América will be the guest artist at this event, and along with poets Sergio Herrera and Grace Grullon, will recite aloud the desires of the soul and take the opportunity to give a couple of brief talks on the subject.

This will be the first of its kind in the Bay Area, where Luz América will perform songs like “Bésame Mucho,” which will be the anthem of this collective ceremony.

Humor is essential at an event like this, so a couple will dedicate a few minutes to a sketch titled “The Topic Doesn’t Matter.”

This will be a safe and healthy environment for teenagers and adults. We will explore the theme of eroticism through well-known Spanish songs from popular culture, along with several meaningful talks about general and personal experiences related to this topic. The event is on February 21st, starting at 6 p.m., at La Casa Azul, located at 684 S Second St, San Jose.

Salsa Party Every Sunday

Sundays won’t just be for relaxing anymore, but also for sharing and dancing to salsa. DJ Pachangero will be spinning salsa, merengue, and bachata all night long.

This is an opportunity you can’t miss, as you can dance, drink tequila, and feel the rhythm all night long.

The party starts with a free salsa class between 3 and 4 p.m., ideal for beginners.

This Sunday, February 22nd, the doors of Casa del Toro open at 3 p.m. to welcome you. Admission is completely free.

Casa del Toro is located at 1034 B Street, Hayward.

Chucho Valdés presents his Royal Quartet project

The virtuoso pianist, composer, and arranger, winner of six Latin Grammys, Chucho Valdés, returns to the SF Jazz Center to celebrate 60 years of musical alchemy with the SFJAZZ premiere of his Royal Quartet project.

Known as the most influential figure in modern Afro-Cuban jazz, he will give four masterful performances between Thursday, February 26, and Sunday, March 1, at the Miner Auditorium of the SF Jazz Center, located at 201 Franklin Street, at 7 p.m. Tickets range from $55 to $125.

The best Latin party in San Francisco

Want to dance to reggaeton, dembow, salsa, and other Latin rhythms? Urbano offers it all in one night of live music. Urban music and DJs will keep you dancing and having fun all night long, so we invite you and your friends to the best Latin party in the Bay Area, taking place this February 27th starting at 10 p.m. at the Valencia Room, located at 647 Valencia St, San Francisco.

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Made in Mexico: Octavio Paz and the search for a national soul

Made in Mexico: Octavio Paz and the search for a national soul -- Octavio Paz es uno de los más grandes autores y poetas de México

by María Meléndez

Amigos, so far I’ve told you about writers that I think are quintessential for
understanding from another perspective what Mexico really is. Of them all, Octavio Paz
is my favorite — admitting that in mixed company, and especially in front of women, this admission can be controversial.

Paz is the only Mexican writer to have won the Nobel Prize in Literature. Yet for many,
the prize is tarnished by his friendliness with the ruling party of his era, the PRI. For
some women, the Nobel means little in light of his treatment of his ex-wife, the writer
Elena Garro.

More than merely a writer, Paz was a thinker who knew how to use language. His work
spans poems, essays, cultural criticism and philosophy. He developed as both a writer
and a diplomat, a dual life that let him see Mexico from afar and return with a clearer
view. His prose and poetry capture the tensions of a nation shaped by conquest,
religion, revolution, solitude and a long, fraught effort to reconcile Indigenous and
European inheritances.

To read Paz today is to wrestle with the same conflicts he confronted throughout his life:
art and politics, national identity and global exchange, solitude and community.

The making of a poet and philosopher

Octavio Paz was born in Mexico City on March 31, 1914, into a family marked by both
intellectual engagement and the upheavals of the Mexican Revolution. His grandfather,
a liberal intellectual with a substantial library, introduced him early to literature. Paz
published his first poetry collection, “Luna Silvestre” (“Wild Moon”), at just 19.

He briefly studied law at the National University of Mexico before abandoning it for
writing and journalism. In 1937, he traveled to Spain during the Civil War and joined the
Second International Congress of Anti-Fascist Writers — an experience that left a lasting
mark and revealed a pattern: Paz habitually looked outward, toward other countries and
traditions, to better understand his own. Hearing firsthand the conversations and
laughter of those behind the opposing lines convinced him that people on the other side
were human too, which made him more inclined toward tolerance and a readiness to
understand their perspectives.

After World War II, he entered Mexico’s diplomatic corps, spending two decades
abroad. His postings took him to the United States, France, Japan and India — years
that profoundly shaped his thinking. In Paris, he engaged with surrealism and European
modernism; in Japan, he absorbed Zen aesthetics and the discipline of haiku; in India, he
encountered Hindu and Buddhist thought. These cross-cultural encounters broadened
his sense of what poetry and identity could be, sustaining an intellectual curiosity that
resisted simplistic ideological labels.

The view from outside: Writing Mexico’s identity

Paz’s most celebrated work remains “El Laberinto de la Soledad” (1950), translated
as “The Labyrinth of Solitude.” It is not a conventional history of Mexico. It is an inquiry
into the psychological and cultural forces that shape Mexican experience.

Paz argued that Mexicans navigate a profound sense of solitude forged by the legacy of
conquest and mestizaje (cultural and racial mixing), and that this solitude expresses
itself in ritual, celebration, death, music and language. His reflections on
masks — symbolic and emotional — suggest a people negotiating between pride and
defensiveness, intimacy and distance.

His interpretations of fiestas, Day of the Dead rituals, and the figure of La Malinche are
not folkloric descriptions but attempts to chart a collective emotional landscape. “The
Labyrinth of Solitude” became essential reading in Mexico and abroad for anyone
seeking to understand the paradoxes at the heart of Mexican identity: joy entangled with
melancholy, pride layered over trauma.

Poetry as inquiry

Paz’s poetry is as probing as his essays. His early work reveals influences from
Marxism, surrealism and existentialism; his later poetry immerses itself in eroticism,
time and the inner life of language.

His long poem “Piedra de Sol” (“Sunstone”), published in 1957, is widely considered his
masterpiece. Structured around the 584-line cycle of the Aztec calendar, the poem
offers a circular meditation on love, time, memory and myth. It earned international
acclaim and was central to the body of work recognized by the Nobel committee.
Paz believed poetry did more than reflect reality — it transformed perception. His later
works often blur the boundaries between lyricism and philosophy, asking readers to
reconsider what it means to read, experience and interpret.

Politics: Between dialogue and dissent

Paz’s political positions resist easy categorization. Early in his career, he aligned himself
with left-leaning causes but never adhered strictly to ideological dogma. Experiences in
Spain, France and the United States made him cautious of rigid political identities long
before Cold War polarities hardened across Latin America.

His most famous political rupture came in 1968, when he resigned as Mexico’s
ambassador to India in protest of the government’s massacre of student demonstrators
in Tlatelolco. Few public intellectuals within the establishment took such a visible stand,
and his resignation cemented his reputation as someone willing to break ranks on
matters of principle.

Yet in later decades, he supported political and economic reforms that put him at odds
with more radical currents. He welcomed openings within Mexico’s political system,
defended liberal democratic ideals, and openly debated figures across the ideological
spectrum.

One of the most emblematic moments occurred during a televised conference in the
early 1990s, when Paz invited Mario Vargas Llosa to speak. After Paz remarked that
Mexico was the only Latin American country without a dictatorship, Vargas Llosa
famously countered that Mexico lived under “the perfect dictatorship.”

His discomfort stemmed partly from the fact that he was, indeed, close to certain
political actors. He believed that the new generation of PRI politicians in the late 1980s
and the 1990s were genuinely attempting to steer Mexico toward greater political openness. History ultimately showed that the party was undergoing a deep internal rupture and that there were figures committed to democratic reform.

For critics, this proximity to power damaged Paz’s credibility. For admirers, it
underscored his belief in dialogue rather than dogma. Whether one agrees with him or
not, his political thought was never simplistic; it reflected a consistent skepticism toward
authoritarianism and a faith in humanistic reason.

A cultural bridge and critical legacy

Paz’s influence extended well beyond his books. Through the literary
magazines Plural and later Vuelta, he helped shape intellectual debate across the
Spanish-speaking world. Vuelta, in particular, became a crucial forum for essays on art,
politics and culture, drawing contributions from Latin America, Europe and the United
States.

Paz anticipated discussions that today dominate cultural studies: the intersections of
identity and history, the weight of colonial legacies, and the friction between tradition
and modernity. His sustained engagement with Asian philosophies long before “global
literature” became a buzzword marks him as a thinker ahead of his time.

Why Octavio Paz still matters

Nearly three decades after he died in Mexico City in 1998, Octavio Paz remains
central to discussions of Mexican culture and identity. His writings are not relics but
living documents that invite readers to ask difficult and often uncomfortable questions.
Paz endures not because he offered final answers but because he insisted on
formulating the right questions:

What does it mean to be Mexican after conquest and revolution? How can poetry reveal
our deepest anxieties and desires? How do culture and history shape the self? Can
dialogue across traditions deepen our shared humanity?

These are not abstract inquiries. They continue to resonate across Mexico — on its
streets, in its newspapers, and in the diverse voices shaping its future.

Where to Start?

If you want to explore Paz’s work with greater depth, here are some accessible books in
English:

“The Labyrinth of Solitude” — the essential book for understanding Paz’s view of
Mexican identity.

“In Light of India” — reflections on India, selfhood and cross-cultural encounter.

“Sunstone” — his most celebrated long poem, and a modern classic.

“The Bow and the Lyre” — Paz’s philosophical meditation on poetry, language and
meaning.

Octavio Paz may remain uncomfortable for some readers — too nuanced, too elusive,
too willing to confront contradictions. But it is precisely that refusal to be easily
categorized that makes him one of Mexico’s most enduring cultural voices.

Lastly, if you’re wondering what happened with his ex-wife, and why many feminists
despise Paz, stay tuned for the Elena Garro piece.

Maria Meléndez writes for Mexico News Daily in Mexico City.

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Trump administration expands ICE authority to detain lawful refugees pending green card review

by the El Reportero staff

 The Trump administration has ordered U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers to detain certain refugees who entered the United States lawfully but have not secured permanent resident status within one year of arrival, according to a government memo filed this week in federal court. The directive marks a sharp departure from long-standing immigration enforcement policy and has alarmed refugee advocates.

Under federal law, refugees are eligible to apply for lawful permanent residency, commonly known as a green card, one year after admission to the United States. Many face delays due to backlogs, documentation issues and processing constraints. The new guidance instructs ICE to treat the one-year mark as a mandatory checkpoint, requiring refugees who have not adjusted their status to return to government custody for additional screening.

The memo authorizes ICE to detain refugees during the inspection process to determine whether they obtained their status through fraud or whether they present national security or public safety concerns, including possible ties to terrorism or serious criminal activity. Refugees who fail to appear for scheduled interviews may be located, arrested and detained. Those who trigger “red flags” could be stripped of legal status and placed in deportation proceedings.

Refugees are admitted to the United States after proving they are fleeing persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group. The resettlement process typically involves years of background checks and security vetting overseas. Historically, the United States resettled tens of thousands of refugees annually, though admissions have declined sharply amid recent policy restrictions and pauses to the program.

Administration officials say the policy enforces the law as written and is intended to strengthen oversight of those granted refuge. A spokesperson for U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services said the change prevents gaps in review and protects national security.

Immigrant advocates argue the directive unfairly targets people who entered the country legally and complied with the refugee process. They note the policy reverses prior ICE guidance that did not treat failure to obtain a green card within a year as grounds for detention and required rapid custody determinations. Critics also point to recent efforts to reexamine previously approved refugee cases and pauses on applications from certain countries as evidence of a broader tightening of legal immigration channels.

“This policy is a transparent effort to detain and potentially deport people the U.S. government itself welcomed after years of vetting,” said Beth Oppenheim, CEO of HIAS, a refugee resettlement organization. Legal challenges are expected as advocacy groups argue the directive undermines refugee protections and due process.

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When preaching becomes a “threat”: Turkey and religious freedom in Europe’s crosshairs

by the El Reportero staff

There are political decisions that, even when presented as acts of “national security,” end up revealing something deeper: power’s fear of difference. The recent resolution adopted by the European Parliament condemning Turkey for expelling Christian missionaries under opaque national security pretexts is not merely a diplomatic statement; it is a wake-up call about the direction taken by a country that sits at the crossroads of East and West, is a NATO member, and claims—at least rhetorically—to aspire to European human rights standards.

That 502 Members of the European Parliament from across the political spectrum voted in favor of the resolution speaks volumes. This is not an ideological maneuver or a religious crusade from Brussels. It is, rather, an acknowledgment that expelling people because of their faith—without public evidence, without due process, and without clear avenues for appeal—is incompatible with the basic principles of religious freedom and the rule of law that Turkey claims to uphold in its Constitution and in the international treaties it has signed.

The remarks by Dutch MEP Bert-Jan Ruissen capture the paradox at the heart of the issue: preaching a message of peace and reconciliation can turn someone into a “national security threat.” Taken to its logical extreme, that reasoning empties the very concept of security of meaning. When anything that makes those in power uncomfortable is labeled a risk, the line between legitimate state protection and the repression of fundamental freedoms becomes dangerously blurred.

The figures documented by ADF International are telling: at least 160 foreign Christian workers and their families have been expelled from Turkey or denied re-entry in recent years. These are not isolated incidents or bureaucratic mistakes. Many of those affected had lived in Turkey for decades, built families, and contributed to local communities. Suddenly, they found the door slammed shut without a concrete explanation. There are no public charges, no transparent proceedings, no real opportunity to defend oneself—only a bureaucratic stamp: “national security risk.”

This pattern cannot be understood outside the political climate that followed the failed coup attempt of 2016. Since then, the Turkish government has dramatically expanded the use of anti-terror and internal security laws. Under that umbrella, critics say, authorities have pursued opposition figures, journalists, academics, and civil society organizations. In such an environment, religious minorities—already vulnerable in a predominantly Muslim society—are exposed to arbitrary decisions that rarely face serious domestic scrutiny.

What is troubling is not that a state seeks to protect its security. Every country has that right and responsibility. What is alarming is when “security” becomes a catch-all label to silence inconvenient voices or expel those who do not fit the dominant narrative. Today it is Christian missionaries; tomorrow it could be activists, human rights defenders, or any group perceived as “other” or “suspicious.”

Ankara’s response—dismissing the resolution as “baseless” and insisting that no foreign institution has the right to interfere in its judicial processes—is predictable, but insufficient. National sovereignty is not a blank check to ignore international commitments. Turkey is a member of the Council of Europe and subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. The fact that at least 20 related cases are currently before that court suggests this is not a misunderstanding, but a practice that violates rights enshrined in conventions Turkey itself has accepted.

It is true that the European Parliament’s resolution is not legally binding. It does not force Turkey to change course overnight. But resolutions help shape the political climate. They draw lines in the sand. They pave the way for diplomatic pressure, conditionality in cooperation agreements, and broader debates about the relationship between the European Union and Turkey. In a world increasingly cynical about the language of human rights, such gestures still matter.

Beyond the Turkish case, this episode raises an uncomfortable question for all of us: how fragile are our freedoms when the word “security” enters the conversation? The temptation to trade rights for order is not unique to any one country. We have seen it in consolidated democracies and authoritarian regimes alike. That is why defending religious freedom—whether or not we believe in the message others preach—is really about defending something broader: the right to exist without being criminalized for what one believes.

When preaching becomes a “threat,” the problem is not the preacher. The problem is a power that no longer tolerates diversity. And that is always the first symptom of something deeper: a state afraid of its own fragility.

– With reports by Andreas Wailzer from LifeSite.

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Arresting drug users is a start — but what about the buyers of stolen goods?

Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvin Ramírez

San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie’s decision to authorize police to arrest people who use drugs in public and send them to RESET Centers instead of jail is a meaningful shift in policy. It recognizes what many frontline workers, families, and neighbors have been saying for years: addiction is a public health crisis, not just a criminal one. Giving people the option of treatment, detox and medical supervision instead of a jail cell is humane, practical and long overdue.

But if the city is serious about restoring safety and dignity to our neighborhoods, especially in places like 16th Street and Mission and 24th Street and Mission, this policy cannot stop with drug users alone. The deterioration we see every day in these plazas is not driven only by people consuming drugs. It is driven by an informal street economy built around stolen goods — and the buyers who keep that market alive.

Residents and merchants know the pattern well. The same individuals gather day after day, laying out cosmetics, detergent, toothpaste, liquor and packaged food stolen from nearby stores. Police patrol cars may sit in the plaza during the day, but once officers leave, the market reappears. The sellers change spots. The buyers come back. The cycle continues.

We talk endlessly about “retail theft rings” and “organized shoplifting,” but on the ground, what sustains this economy is not only the thief — it is the customer. Every person who buys stolen merchandise for a discount becomes part of the problem. Yet buyers of stolen goods are rarely targeted with the same urgency as drug users, dealers, or the unhoused. The message, intentional or not, is that buying stolen property is a minor offense, a harmless bargain hunt. It is not. It fuels theft, hurts small businesses, raises prices for honest customers, and keeps people trapped in cycles of crime and addiction.

If we can change the enforcement culture around public drug use, we can change it around fencing stolen goods. The law already makes it illegal to buy stolen property. The problem is not the lack of statutes; it is the lack of consistent enforcement. Buyers in known fencing hotspots should face immediate consequences, just as public drug users will now face arrest and referral to treatment. Without demand, the street market collapses.

There is also a practical, modern solution that the city should explore with major retailers. Most items sold at pharmacies and chain stores today carry barcodes or QR codes that indicate whether they have been scanned and paid for. Technology already exists to flag stolen merchandise. Retailers, in partnership with city agencies, could provide law enforcement with tools to verify items on the spot. If someone is selling or buying goods that clearly have not been purchased, police should be able to confiscate the merchandise immediately and issue citations or make arrests when appropriate. This is not about harassing people for being poor; it is about dismantling a criminal market that preys on both businesses and vulnerable individuals.

Just as important is the power of clear public messaging. The city posts signs warning against public drinking, drug use, and loitering. Why not post large, visible notices in known hotspots: “Buying stolen property is a crime and will be prosecuted”? Clear rules, clearly enforced, change behavior. When people know there are real consequences, many will think twice before participating.

The RESET Centers represent a compassionate attempt to interrupt the downward spiral of addiction. That same philosophy — interrupting destructive cycles — should be applied to the stolen-goods economy that corrodes our neighborhoods. Treatment for drug users is necessary. Accountability for buyers of stolen goods is just as essential. One without the other leaves the system half-repaired.

San Francisco does not have a single problem. It has interconnected ones. Addiction, theft, fencing, and neighborhood decay feed off each other. If we only pull one thread, the fabric continues to unravel. If we pull on both — treatment for users and real consequences for buyers — we finally have a chance to change the daily reality on our streets.

 

 

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Peru names new acting president

by the El Reportero‘s wire services

Peru’s Congress on Wednesday selected José María Balcázar to serve as acting president, placing him in charge of the country’s government until July 28, when the winner of the upcoming general elections is scheduled to take office. Balcázar replaces José Jerí, who had led the interim administration after the removal of former president Dina Boluarte last year.

Balcázar headed one of four slates competing for control of Congress’ leadership board, which also oversees the legislature through the end of its 2025–2026 term. His election gives him responsibility for guiding both the legislative agenda and the executive branch during the final months before Peru returns to the polls.

Jerí assumed the presidency in October 2025 following Congress’ decision to remove Boluarte from office. As Jerí was not an elected president, lawmakers removed him this week through a censure motion against the congressional leadership rather than through the constitutional vacancy process used in Boluarte’s case. The episode marks another leadership change in a country that has struggled with political instability for years.

With Balcázar’s appointment, Peru has now seen eight heads of state in less than a decade. Since 2016, when Ollanta Humala completed the term he began in 2011, no Peruvian president has finished a full mandate, a pattern that has fueled public frustration and weakened confidence in political institutions.

Government officials sought to minimize concerns about the transition. Ernesto Álvarez, the prime minister appointed during Jerí’s tenure, said Wednesday that the change in leadership should not be viewed as a crisis or a power struggle. He described it as an institutional process aimed at maintaining continuity of governance.

Álvarez said the outgoing administration would cooperate fully with Balcázar and called on political actors to prioritize stability in the months ahead. He emphasized the need to guide the state through the remainder of the transition period while building consensus to ensure that the upcoming general elections are conducted freely and impartially.

Peru is scheduled to hold the first round of general elections on April 12, with a runoff expected on June 7 if no candidate secures a majority. Until July 28, when the next elected president is sworn in, the caretaker administration will complete the remainder of the term originally won by Pedro Castillo in 2021, with Dina Boluarte serving at the time as vice president.

Balcázar had previously faced criticism from child rights groups for past statements supporting legal exceptions that would allow marriage at age 14.

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Everyday foods like strawberries and cilantro can disarm and eliminate heavy metals from the body

by Lance D Johnson

In a world where industrial byproducts linger in soil and trace metals drift through the air, detoxification has often been packaged by the wellness industry as expensive cleanses and miracle juices. Yet emerging nutritional science points to a simpler, food-first approach already sitting in the crisper drawer or spice cabinet. Research suggests that everyday plants and herbs can help the body counteract and eliminate toxic heavy metals such as lead, arsenic and mercury. This is not about drastic purges, but about using the protective biochemistry of common foods, turning daily meals into a quiet line of defense against environmental toxins.

Heavy metals are persistent elements in modern life. Lead, a potent neurotoxin, can leach from old plumbing or contaminated soil into water and food, harming childhood brain development. Arsenic, a known carcinogen, infiltrates the food chain, notably in rice and some fruit juices. Mercury bioaccumulates in the food web, concentrating in large predatory fish such as tuna and swordfish, threatening neurological health. Cadmium, a byproduct of industrial processes and battery production, builds up over time and stresses the kidneys. Aluminum, abundant in the earth’s crust, is amplified by mining and industrial activity and has been linked to neurological concerns. These metals generate oxidative stress, damage cells and DNA, and accumulate silently over a lifetime.

Historically, exposure was often occupational or acute, tied to specific trades. Today it is diffuse and environmental, making personal mitigation strategies more relevant. While sources of exposure can be limited, dietary choices offer a proactive layer of protection.

The body already has systems for processing toxins through the liver and kidneys. Certain foods support these pathways. Sulfur-rich vegetables such as garlic, onions, broccoli and Brussels sprouts contain compounds that bind to metals including cadmium, lead and mercury, helping shuttle them toward elimination. Garlic also protects the liver from metal-induced damage.

Leafy greens and herbs provide antioxidant and anti-inflammatory support. Beyond spinach and kale, cilantro has a growing research base suggesting it may help mobilize lead and mercury.

Turmeric’s curcumin is a powerful antioxidant; studies among populations exposed to arsenic found it helped repair DNA damage caused by the metal. However, consumers should be cautious with supplements. Public health warnings have noted some turmeric products, particularly from poorly regulated supply chains, have been adulterated with lead chromate to enhance color.

Fiber plays a direct role in detoxification. Soluble fibers such as pectin, found in apple skins, citrus peels and strawberries, can bind to heavy metals in the gastrointestinal tract, preventing absorption and promoting excretion. Modified citrus pectin has been shown to increase urinary excretion of arsenic, highlighting why whole fruits are more beneficial than juices, which lack fiber.

Strawberries provide a two-fold benefit through vitamin C and fiber. Vitamin C protects cells from oxidative damage, while the fiber binds metals during digestion. Laboratory simulations show natural insoluble fibers from fruits such as strawberries and apples can chelate mercury, trapping it in the gut and preventing absorption. Incorporating fibrous fruits into meals may reduce dietary exposure before metals enter circulation.

Other supportive foods include chlorella, a green algae thought to bind metals, and ginkgo biloba, whose antioxidants may counter lead-induced oxidative stress. Simple hydration with lemon water supports kidney function and adds vitamin C, which has been linked to reduced blood lead levels. Natural peanut butter contributes soluble fiber and selenium, a mineral that can counter mercury toxicity and support regular elimination.

The broader strategy is consistency, not extreme intervention. Adding herbs to salads, using garlic and onions as culinary staples, choosing leafy greens and whole fruits, and prioritizing fiber create daily, low-cost protection. These foods also benefit heart health and inflammation, making heavy-metal defense a side benefit of eating well. In a polluted world, the kitchen offers a practical place to reclaim agency—one meal at a time.

– Editor’s note: This article has been edited and shortened to fit print space.

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California jail death oversight office has yet to complete a single review a year after launch

Protestors hold signs to protest jail deaths in Riverside County, on Oct. 31, 2023. A state watchdog has yet to finish reviewing a jail death case, after a year. Photo by Jules Hotz for CalMatters. -- Manifestantes sostienen pancartas para protestar contra las muertes en prisión en el condado de Riverside, el 31 de octubre de 2023. Un organismo de control estatal aún no ha finalizado la revisión de un caso de muerte en prisión, después de un año.

by the El Reportero staff

Based on reporting and analysis by David Myers

Nearly a year after California launched a new statewide office to review deaths in county jails, the agency has not completed a single case review, raising questions about the effectiveness of a law that state leaders said would bring accountability and transparency to in-custody deaths.

The In-Custody Death Review Division was created under Senate Bill 519 (https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB519), authored by then–state Sen. Toni Atkins (https://sd39.senate.ca.gov/) and signed into law in 2024. The legislation was promoted as a response to long-standing concerns that county sheriffs were effectively tasked with investigating deaths occurring in facilities they operate, a structure widely criticized by civil rights advocates and families of people who died in custody.

Under the law, the state office is authorized to collect records from county agencies, analyze deaths in local jails and issue recommendations aimed at preventing future fatalities. Supporters of SB 519 said the measure would introduce independent oversight and consistent statewide standards. However, according to information reviewed by El Reportero, the division has yet to finalize any reports since the law took effect.

Experts and former law enforcement officials say structural limits built into the legislation may help explain the lack of progress. The office can request records and propose changes, but it does not have authority to compel counties to turn over documents within set deadlines or to impose penalties if agencies delay or refuse to cooperate. As a result, reviews can stall when local departments are slow to provide information.

In several California counties, the sheriff also serves as the coroner, the official responsible for determining the cause and manner of death. That arrangement has drawn scrutiny because it places responsibility for jail operations and death determinations within the same office. While SB 519 acknowledged concerns about conflicts of interest, the law did not prohibit sheriffs from retaining both roles.

The California Attorney General’s Office (https://oag.ca.gov/), which is responsible for enforcing state law, has not announced any formal actions against counties that fail to meet the expectations outlined in SB 519. State officials have said the review division is still in the process of building staffing and procedures, but critics note that the lack of enforceable deadlines reduces pressure on local agencies to prioritize cooperation.

California has faced previous challenges with oversight of jail deaths. In San Diego County (https://www.sdsheriff.gov/), a local review body fell behind in its workload and ultimately dismissed numerous cases without completing substantive reviews, according to public records. Advocates warn that similar backlogs at the state level could lead to years-long delays in accountability.

Families of people who die in custody have repeatedly called for timely, independent investigations and public reporting of findings. Law enforcement unions and county officials, meanwhile, have argued that records requests can be complex and that agencies must balance transparency with privacy protections and ongoing investigations.

State lawmakers who supported SB 519 have said they remain committed to improving oversight and may consider adjustments if the current framework proves insufficient. Policy analysts note that potential changes could include enforceable timelines for document production, clearer limits on redactions and a defined escalation process when counties do not comply with requests from the state office.

For now, the absence of completed reviews underscores the gap between legislative intent and on-the-ground implementation. Whether California’s new oversight system can fulfill its promise will likely depend on whether state leaders strengthen the law’s enforcement mechanisms and provide the resources and authority needed to ensure that reviews move forward.

– David Myers is a former commander and 33-year veteran of the San Diego County Sheriff’s Department.

 

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