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Immigrant rights groups oppose Trump’s cutting off access to citizenship

Advocates rush to challenge changes that would eliminate Obama-era policy allowing fee waivers for elderly and working poor immigrants applying for citizenship

by the El Reportero’s wire services

A growing group of immigrant rights advocates is demanding that the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) withdraw its proposed regulation cutting off access to citizenship for hundreds of thousands of eligible immigrants and condemning it as a un-American measure that would target elderly and working poor immigrants.

The regulation would reverse a policy enacted by the Obama administration, whereby an applicant for citizenship can apply for a fee waiver if they are unable to afford the expensive fee of $725, among other applications and their fees.

Under current policy, one way to show this inability to pay is through an applicants’ use of a means-tested public benefit (like SNAP, Medicaid, SSI, and TANF). The proposed regulation would make that use of public benefits no longer a sufficient reason for receiving a fee waiver, effectively blocking over 244,000 eligible immigrants from citizenship because they simply cannot afford it.

“Encouraging citizenship is part of our tradition of welcoming immigrant communities. By excluding people from citizenship based on their level of wealth or class, the Trump administration is once again undermining our national values of equal treatment and diversity,” said Gustavo Torres, Executive Director of CASA.

The National Partnership for New Americans (NPNA) and others fought for the fee waiver policy during the Obama administration and won in 2010. Since then, well over a million immigrants applied for the fee waiver in conjunction with their citizenship application. In 2017 alone, around 370,000 applicants for citizenship requested a fee waiver.

The proposed regulation would make it more difficult for eligible immigrants to apply for citizenship with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), which, according to new data released by the agency in late October, currently has a backlog of over 750,000 citizenship applications.

IACHR’s MESENI expresses concern over Nicaragua’s strategy to prevent social protest

Nov. 20, 2018 – The Special Follow-Up Mechanism for Nicaragua (MESENI) of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) confirms with concern that the State of Nicaragua has adopted a strategy to prevent any form of social protest or demonstration.

Since the publication of press releases by the National Police, which first blamed those who called for public demonstrations for the violent events that occurred there, and later declared illegal any demonstration that did not have prior authorization from the police authority, the MESENI identified limitations that violate international human rights standards.

The disproportionate preventive deployment of riot police personnel, as well as other police units in traditional protest locations, now joined the occupation of commercial establishments where small acts of protest had taken place. Thus, this pattern of extreme limitation of the right to protest manifested itself more concretely.

The arrests in Somoto and in a shopping center in Managua in recent days, with the subsequent indictment of criminal charges for singing the national anthem in a small act of public protest or for photographing the police deployed in the shopping center, now show the decision to criminalize any demonstration of dissent.

As the IACHR has insistently told the State of Nicaragua, social protest and freedom of expression cannot be seen as a threat in democratic societies. In particular, in the context in which the country lives today, social protest and freedom of expression are tools that will contribute to exploring dialogue mechanisms that ensure peace, reconciliation and guarantee truth, justice and reparation to which the victims are entitled, especially the hundreds of families who have lost their loved ones.

The IACHR calls for the generation of actions that also ensure the non-repetition of the human rights violations that have been observed during the crisis that the country has been facing since last April. The exercise of freedom of expression and the right to protest will also contribute to the construction of these actions in dialogue.

Mexico, US agree on US $35.6-billion development plan to curb migration

But most of the United States’ contribution is not new funding

by Mexico News Daily

The governments of Mexico and the United States have agreed to work together on a development plan in southern Mexico and Central America to curb migration.

The Secretariat of Foreign Affairs (SRE) and the United States Department of State issued a joint statement yesterday under the title “Mexico-United States Declaration of Principles on Economic Development and Cooperation in Southern Mexico and Central America,” which outlined both countries’ monetary contributions to the plan.

Mexico will invest US $25 billion in southern states over the next five years while the United States will contribute US $10.6 billion: $5.8 billion to the Northern Triangle (Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador) of Central America and $4.8 billion to Mexico.

However, most of the United States funding is not new as it will be allocated from existing aid programs.

The Washington Post reported that “it appears the only new figure is the $4.5 billion in potential loans, loan guarantees and related services through OPIC,” which is the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, a U.S. federal government agency.

The new money the U.S. provides would have to be repaid, unlike traditional assistance provided through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

Announcing the new agreement in Mexico City, Foreign Affairs Secretary Marcelo Ebrard nevertheless said that “in sum, I think that this is good news, very good news for Mexico.”

He explained that Mexico’s US $25-billion five-year commitment, $5 billion less than the figure announced last week, would more than double the government’s current investment in southern Mexico.

Several migrant caravans have crossed Mexico’s southern border over the past two months, bringing thousands of Central Americans to the country, many of whom are now in Tijuana or other border cities waiting for an opportunity to request asylum with United States authorities.

Migration continues to be central to the Mexico-United States relationship but so far the personal relationship between President López Obrador and President Donald Trump doesn’t appear to have suffered as a consequence.

Trump reiterated on Twitter today that “Mexico is paying (indirectly) for the wall through the new USMCA,” referring to the new North American trade agreement that replaces NAFTA, but at his morning press conference López Obrador remained diplomatic, stating “we have no complaints about the United States government.”

Yesterday’s joint declaration, which The Post described as largely symbolic, “reflects the importance both countries attach to our bilateral relationship,” the respective governments said.

“The United States and Mexico today commit to strengthen and expand our bilateral wCentral America to create a zone of prosperity. Both countries recognize the strong links between promoting development and economic growth in southern Mexico and the success of promoting prosperity, good governance, and security in Central America,” the declaration said.

It added that “the United States and Mexico will lead in working with regional and international partners to build a more prosperous and secure Central America to address the underlying causes of migration, and so that citizens of the region can build better lives for themselves and their families at home.”

The U.S. funding for Mexico includes “committing $2 billion for suitable projects in southern Mexico,” the declaration said, adding that “the United States will seek to leverage public and private investment in Mexico and is exploring options of further investment in dialogue with the government of Mexico.”

A bilateral business summit that will seek to increase investment and business opportunities in southern Mexico and Central America will be held in the first quarter of next year, the SRE and Department of State said.

But will the joint development plan, and specifically the Trump administration’s contribution to it, ultimately succeed in stopping Central American migrants fleeing violence and poverty in their homelands and showing up on the United States’ doorstep?

Adam Isacson, director for defense oversight at the Washington Office on Latin America, is skeptical.

In a post on his personal website under the title “This isn’t an aid package,” Isacson writes that the only new U.S. money “is loans, not aid,” adding “it all has to be paid back.”

He continues: “And they’re loans to the private sector — which are not going to address root causes of mass migration from Central America. They won’t reform police, fight corruption, fix justice systems, or anything else that makes threatened people safer from gangs.

“Private sector loans are hugely unlikely to help struggling small farmers in the Northern Triangle’s countryside. (Unless they choose to leave the countryside and get low-wage jobs in OPIC-financed factories.) These loans will mainly help a tiny elite get wealthier in one of the most unequal regions on the planet.”

But this morning, after announcing again the money that both Mexico and the United States will invest in southern states and the Northern Triangle region, López Obrador expressed confidence that the plan would work.

“We celebrate it because it means confronting the migratory phenomenon by dealing with its causes. We have always said that people don’t leave their communities, don’t abandon their towns, their families out of pleasure. They do it out of necessity,” he said.

“If we manage to create work opportunities in the south with good incomes, if there is well-being . . . the problem of forced migration will be resolved.”

Source: El Financiero (sp), Milenio (sp), The Washington Post (en)

Don’t miss grupo Nuevo Caní at Blondie’s in SF

Members of the Nuevo Caní group. From left to right (seated) Emilio Pérez, congas; back: Junior Ecuador, bass; Ted, bongo; the ‘Cat’ Edgar Aguilar; and on the Dan Neville vibraphone. Come enjoy the Caní group at the Blondie’s club, at 540 Valencia St, San Francisco.

Good music for the soul. Latin jazz and salsa. On the last Wednesday of each month. Nuevo Caní is a local Latin band composed of professional musicians that will make your night a special moment. At 540 Valencia St, San Francisco.

Mexico will invest US $30 billion in development plan to curb migration

Details regarding the source of the funds and how they will be spent have not been revealed

by Mexico News Daily

The federal government will invest more than US $30 billion over the next five years on a Comprehensive Development Plan with Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador aimed at curbing migration to the United States, the foreign secretary said yesterday.

Speaking at a United Nations (UN) migration conference in Marrakech, Morocco, Marcelo Ebrard said that Mexico has made a commitment to cooperate closely with Central American countries and expressed confidence that the plan would be feasible and effective.

Ebrard said he expected that the plan, which will seek to develop Mexico’s poor southern states, would curb migration better than “containment measures.”

However, he didn’t explain exactly how the US $30 billion investment will be used or where the money would come from.

Thousands of Central American migrants have traveled through Mexico as part of several caravans during the past two months, leaving the authorities of the past and current federal government to grapple with finding a way to stem migration under increasing pressure to do so from the United States government.

Accompanied by his counterparts from the three “northern triangle” Central American countries, Ebrard said that “what happens to a migrant today in our country is a disgrace” and stressed that the new government would change Mexico’s approach to dealing with them.

“Mexico is going to change its migration policy, Mexico is going to make you feel proud about the pact we’ve adopted for safe, orderly and regular migration. We’re going to change things and it will be our actions that speak for us,” he said.

The foreign secretary said the aim of the development plan was to reduce poverty and thus address one of the key factors behind migration.

But Ebrard didn’t offer specific details about how money spent in southern Mexico would contribute to development in Central America. Mexican authorities said that specific details would be available in the coming weeks.

President López Obrador has said that Central Americans will be offered Mexican work visas and has also vowed to respect the human rights of migrants.

But he has also pushed for the United States to contribute to a plan to develop Central America that would reduce the root causes of migration.

In a letter to United States President Donald Trump shortly after his victory in the July 1 election, López Obrador proposed that Mexico, the U.S. and each Central American country contribute resources according to the size of its economy and that 75 percent of the collective funds be allocated to finance projects that create jobs and combat poverty, while the other 25 percent would go to border control and security.

“At the same time, every government, from Panama to the Rio Grande, would work to make the migration of its citizens economically unnecessary and take care of their borders to avoid the illegal transit of merchandise, weapons and drug trafficking which, we believe, would be the most humane and effective way to guarantee peace, tranquility, and security for our peoples and nations,” he wrote.

On the day of his inauguration, the new president agreed with his Honduran and Guatemalan counterparts as well as the vice-president of El Salvador to create a fund to stem the flow of migrants bound for the United States.

That country’s use of tear gas against a group of around 500 migrants who rushed the Mexico-United States border last month prompted a formal request from the former Mexican government for U.S. authorities to conduct a full investigation into the use of what it described as non-lethal weapons.

Trump threatened to close the United States southern border permanently in response to the attempted encroachment and is also reportedly pushing for a plan for migrants to stay in Mexico while their asylum requests are processed.

Ebrard met United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen in Washington earlier this month but no agreement on the so-called “Remain in Mexico” plan has been announced.

Meanwhile, an increasing number of the thousands of migrants stranded in Tijuana are crossing or attempting to cross the border fence illegally to hand themselves into United States border patrol agents in order to circumvent a lengthy wait to apply for asylum from Mexico.

Source: El Financiero (sp), Reuters (en), The Los Angeles Times (en).

AMLO creates super-commission to investigate missing 43 of Ayotzinapa

There will be no barriers against finding the truth, president tells parents

by Mexico News Daily

President López Obrador signed his first presidential decree yesterday, creating a super commission that will conduct a new investigation into the case of the 43 students who disappeared in Guerrero more than four years ago.

Just two days after he was sworn in as president, López Obrador told parents of the missing students gathered at the National Palace that “there will be no barriers, no obstacles to arriving at the truth” about what happened to their sons.

The 43 young men, who were studying to become teachers at the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers’ College, disappeared in Iguala in September 2014 and were presumably killed.
The case precipitated the worst crisis of former president Enrique Peña Nieto’s administration, triggered mass demonstrations in Mexico City and became representative of other disappearances and rampant violence and corruption.

The new commission, whose creation was ordered by a federal court in June, will have no limits to its investigation, complete access to existing information about the case and will offer protection to witnesses so that they can tell their stories without fear of repercussions.

Alejandro Encinas, deputy interior secretary for human rights, will head the commission, which will be funded by the Secretariat of Finance but could also receive monetary contributions from national and international organizations.

Family members of the victims, their lawyers and representatives of the secretariats of the Interior, Foreign Relations and Finance will all be part of the commission.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and other international organizations, authorities and experts will also be permitted to “assist and cooperate” with the truth commission’s investigation.

López Obrador declared that his government will not be an accomplice to human rights violations, explaining that all lines of investigations will be pursued, including any role that the army may have played in the students’ disappearance.

“I believe that the investigation has to include the whole government, all the people involved,” he said, charging that an army probe would not inflict any damage, reputational or otherwise, on the military.

“Arriving at the truth and delivering justice doesn’t weaken institutions, it strengthens them. In this new government, the truth must reign above all else, it’s the truth that is revolutionary [and] Christian. Lying is reactionary, it’s of the devil,” López Obrador said.

According to the former government’s “historical truth,” the 43 students were intercepted by corrupt municipal police in Iguala on Sept. 26, 2014 while traveling on buses they had commandeered to travel to a protest march in Mexico City.

The police then handed them over to members of the Guerrero Unidos gang who killed the students, burned their bodies in a municipal dump and scattered their ashes in a nearby river.

However, the former government’s conclusion was widely questioned both within Mexico and internationally and authorities were heavily criticized for their handling of the case.

Many people suspected that the army played a role in the students’ disappearance but it was never subjected to investigation.

Deputy secretary Encinas said at the National Palace yesterday that members of the new commission and other government investigators would have “free access” to all facilities where “due to the circumstances of the case it is presumed that the missing persons or remains corresponding to them may have been present.”

Questioned whether the “free access” would extend to military barracks, Encinas responded that it would because “they are the only [facilities] that haven’t been opened [to investigators].”

Scores of people have been arrested for their alleged involvement in the students’ disappearance but both the United Nations and the National Human Rights Commission have said that there is evidence that many of them were tortured by authorities and likely forced into making admissions of guilt.

A federal court judge ruled late last month that 83 statements made by people accused of involvement in the crime must be omitted from the Ayotzinapa investigation due to evidence that their human rights were violated.

Three men who had been identified as actual perpetrators of the crime and who had supported the past government’s official version of events were consequently released from custody.

Parents of the missing students have always rejected the past government’s “historical truth” but are now placing their faith in the new administration to deliver answers – and their sons – to them.

“We ask you [López Obrador], as a father, to help us, to pull us out of this dumpster where Peña Nieto left us, and for you to gain the trust of all Mexicans, because we don’t trust anyone anymore,” pleaded María Martínez, the mother of one of the missing students.

‘Out Hondurans, we don’t want you here:’ anti-migrant sentiment continues

There were marches in Tijuana yesterday both for and against the caravan from Central America

by Mexico News Daily

Residents of Tijuana are divided over the presence of large numbers of Central American migrants in their city.

Protests both for and against members of the first migrant caravan were held yesterday in the northern border city.

Around 500 people gathered in front of a statue of Aztec ruler Cuauhtémoc that stands atop a Tijuana traffic circle and began an anti-migrant march towards a sports complex serving as a temporary shelter for about 2,500 Central Americans.

During the march, protesters demanded that the caravan members be sent back to their countries of origin.

“Out Hondurans, we don’t want you here” and “long live Mexico” were among the slogans chanted by the demonstrators as they waved Mexican flags and held up signs declaring “Basta de migración” (Migration, enough already) and “Primero nuestra gente” (Our people first).

Some protesters claimed that there are gang members, thieves and rapists mixed in with the migrants in the first caravan, whose members began arriving at the border city early last week.

“Their presence here makes me very afraid. I don’t know if something is going to happen to me or my neighbors . . . They could break into a business . . . or assault someone. That worries me,” Tijuana business owner María de Jesús told the newspaper Milenio.

Others said they are not against migration per se but rather the way in which many of the caravan members entered the country.

“They arrived and kicked down the door and that makes them criminals,” said Emilio Zúñiga, a Guanajuato native who has called Tijuana home for the past 20 years.
The marchers were stopped from reaching the entrance to the Benito Juárez sports center by a large contingent of municipal police sporting riot gear.

A standoff lasted for several hours, with protesters throwing water and beer cans at the officers before eventually dispersing.

Just one street away from where the anti-migrant march started, a smaller group of demonstrators held their own rally at which they denounced racism and discrimination and declared that the migrants are welcome in Tijuana and that their human rights must be respected.

Yesterday’s protests followed a week of heightened tension in Tijuana during which some residents made it clear that the migrants are not welcome.

Social media posts aimed at inciting violence against the Central Americans began appearing in anti-migrant groups on platforms such as Facebook virtually as soon as they arrived in the city.

Rumors circulating on the mobile messaging service WhatsApp that the migrants had looted stores, referred to Mexicans as “dogs” and even murdered someone only served to fuel the anti-migrant sentiment.

A confrontation occurred Wednesday night between an angry mob and migrants sleeping on the beach next to the border fence that separates Mexico from the United States.

Mayor Juan Manuel Gastélum, who has been labeled Tijuana’s Trump, has also spoken out against the caravan, declaring that the migrants are not wanted.

United States President Trump yesterday seized on the mayor’s opposition to the migrants, writing on Twitter that “The Mayor of Tijuana, Mexico, just stated that ‘the City is ill-prepared to handle this many migrants, the backlog could last 6 months.’”

In the same tweet, he added: “Likewise, the U.S. is ill-prepared for this invasion, and will not stand for it. They are causing crime and big problems in Mexico. Go home!”

In a subsequent Twitter post, Trump wrote: “Illegal Immigrants trying to come into the U.S.A., often proudly flying the flag of their nation as they ask for U.S. Asylum, will be detained or turned away. Dems must approve Border Security & Wall NOW!”

The United States government has deployed 5,900 troops to the southern border to bolster security and barbed wire is also being affixed to the border fence to act as an additional deterrent to any attempts to scale it illegally.

With two other caravans currently traveling through Mexico, Tijuana officials have estimated that the number of migrants in the city could reach 10,000, stoking concerns about the city’s ability to cope with such a large cohort.

There are already around 3,000 migrants on a waiting list to apply for asylum in the United States, meaning that the new arrivals, and future ones, face a lengthy wait just to have the opportunity to plead their case.

But after traveling more than 4,000 kilometers to reach Mexico’s northern border, the vast majority are determined to do all they can to enter the United States, even if that means attempting to cross illegally.

“If I die on the way, at least I will have fought for something,” 24-year-old José Adan Núñez told The New York Times.

Source: El Universal (sp), Milenio (sp).

An Interview with Oscar-Winning Director Alfonso Cuarón

With a new film on Netflix this week, the iconoclastic auteur opens up about facing his insecurities in the latest edition of The Red Bulletin – a monthly magazine produced by Red Bull Media House.

by Marco Payán

The Mexican film director has no fear of the unknown. Upon the release of his new film, “Roma,” the Oscar winner shares how he overcame feelings of insecurity and why his curiosity to explore uncharted territory is what challenges him to unlock new levels of creative freedom.

Alfonso Cuarón does not like to repeat himself

Over the course of his nearly 30-year career, the acclaimed director has created eight distinctive universes, an octet of films not bound by genre or geography — from the enchanting fairy tale “A Little Princess” and the coming-of-age road trip “Y Tu Mamá También” to the apocalyptic nightmare of “Children of Men” and his Oscar-winning turn in space with “Gravity.” But despite all the obvious differences, Cuarón’s entire body of work is connected by a sense of exploration, one that pushes his creative boundaries, both technically and personally. In his follow-up to 2013’s “Gravity” — the box office smash starring Sandra Bullock and George Clooney — Cuarón decided to make “Roma,” a black-and-white film rooted in 1970s Mexico City featuring a largely unknown cast (available on Netflix December 14). It’s a deeply personal story for the 57-year-old, who has said that 90 percent of the scenes came from his memory. Set during a time of political unrest, the film is a snapshot of one middle-class family told through the perspective of their housekeeper. Although it is not another technical marvel set in space, “Roma” still posed challenges for Cuarón. But as he explains, without challenging yourself, there is no payoff. There are no discoveries unless you have the courage to explore the unknown.
The Red Bulletin: You’ve said in past interviews that you burned your bridges in Mexico. That’s obviously not something you’d recommend?
Alfonso Cuarón: It is so exhausting, and it’s not good for business. The way I produced my first film, “Sólo con Tu Pareja,” wasn’t looked upon terribly well. I had a lot of support from the Mexican government, but their investment was minor. I was adamant that they were not my bosses. The film was under my control and that didn’t seem to please everyone. I wanted to manage the movie the way I believed was best. I was aware that I would fall out of favor for any projects to come. So I ended up [taking the film to the] Toronto Film Festival, fully knowing what I had left behind, with the prospects of either going back or starting over. And then I began receiving offers from the United States.

How was your first experience working in the States?

I remember directing an episode of “Fallen Angels” for Showtime. I was full of insecurities and feeling numb. Besides, I was the only unknown director in the series. The other directors included Steven Soderbergh, Jonathan Kaplan, Phil Joanou — even Tom Cruise and Tom Hanks directed an episode. If Tom Hanks’s project needed a couple more days, those were taken away from me. I felt ignored. That’s why I’m so grateful to my actors, Alan Rickman and Laura Dern, because when they saw me paralyzed like that they told me, “Relax, we are here for you. We want you to direct us and we are going to do whatever you tell us to do.” At that point I finally began to let go. And then my episode, “Murder, Obliquely,” won all these awards. It was then and there that a friendship with Alan Rickman and Laura Dern was born.
Where did those insecurities come from?

When I first came to Hollywood, it wasn’t about being Mexican but about being from a Mexican generation so different from today’s Mexico. It used to be a closed-tight Mexico, oblivious to the world. It was a Mexico where looking for international impact was seen as a sign of arrogance. It was almost considered a lack of nationalism. I grew up in Mexico during the height of the PRI [Institutional Revolutionary Party], in the age of revolutionary nationalist ideology and closed markets, of repression and an enormous control over information, both incoming and outgoing. What movies were shown and what kind of music was played. Rock concerts were strictly forbidden. Then the first rock concert was the band Chicago at the Auditorio Nacional. There was so much repression that the moment it opened up a bit for a little concert, people destroyed the doors. That was our “being young” attitude. That was our outlet. When I came to the States in the early ’90s, I was still living with the ghost of that sick perception Mexico has of Hollywood — too romanticized and idealized.

How have your perceptions changed?

Those insecurities at the beginning of my career were not because of being Mexican but because there was an ideology. Now there’s a new generation that has no borders or limits. This is natural for them. I admire them because of that. They have no complex. From then on, my insecurities were no longer creative.

You’ve been open about your disappointment with “Great Expectations,” your second U.S.-produced film after “The Little Princess.” What did you learn from that process?

With “Great Expectations,” I was seduced by the machinery, and I had to pay the price. It was a movie I didn’t fully understand. I thought something I didn’t understand would work if I used visual tools. I was overcompensating. Once I became aware of that problem — that’s the reason I made “Y Tu Mamá También.” With that project I developed a whole new point of view about filming. Even in “Great Expectations” I wanted to do something technically polished and clean. El Chivo [cinematographer Emmanuel Lubezki] and I came from a cine Mexicano that wasn’t crafted with excellence. Except for a couple of directors, the cinematographic language was poor. Photography wasn’t done properly. We were trying to shake things up. It wasn’t until “Y Tu Mamá También” that technique ceased to matter — what really mattered was the subject and the concept. The special thing about “Roma” is that it’s the first film where I feel completely liberated, completely free of insecurities. I had the certainty I didn’t know how to make it but I had no fear to explore. To give in completely to the idea I had of the movie I wanted to make.
You didn’t know how you were going to make the film, but you proceeded anyway?

I am inclined to try to imagine how I’d film a certain movie, but if I know how to do it I lose interest. If I know how to do it I get bored with the idea. More than the challenge, it’s curiosity for the unknown that drives me. It’s curiosity for knowing I have a perspective about the film I want to make, but I have no idea about how to do it. The process itself doesn’t let me lower my guard. That’s why I believe all the movies I have made are so different from each other.

Where does that sense of exploration come from?

It might have to do with being a film buff since my childhood and watching how big the universe known as cinema is, and admiring how the language of movies developed, from silent film, the birth of the cinema, to these days. There’s something that overwhelms me from time to time — the idea of not exploring languages. Or of not pushing the limits of certain languages. I believe that’s what attracts me the most.

Your latest film, “Roma,” was a rather large production, even though the story revolves around a more intimate family drama. Would you be interested in making a “simpler” movie?

More than just the plot, I see it as the whole cinematic experience. Indeed, it was what the cinematic experience demanded. Every time I begin a new project I say, “This is a simple film; this one’s going to be simple. I’ll make it fast and that’s it.” My producer always tells me that. For “Gravity,” I said to Chivo, “Let’s make a film the fast and easy way. This is about a woman in space — so we’ll just film her against black backgrounds and that’s it. [Laughs.] Some visual effects and we’re done.” When I began talking to my producer about “Roma,” I insisted, “This is a smaller, more intimate film.” And it’s no lie. But whenever I begin to prepare [for a project], reality starts to show up.

It’s also a chance to watch a big production that really reflects Mexico City.

I would expect that the production doesn’t become the focus, though. The universe within the movie should be the focus. The whole idea is to confront you with a universe.

You’ve been wanting to make a film based on El Halconazo — a massacre of student demonstrators in Mexico City in 1971 — for quite some time, correct?

Yes, I was planning on doing this movie 12 years ago. But because life happens and there are things you can’t control, I wasn’t able to make it back then. I believe it was for the best, though, because I was not mature enough for it. But a lot of the content in “Roma” was already in that early version.

I’m aware of your love for the 1976 Felipe Cazals film, “Canoa,” which also addresses the student protests during that period.

That was shot not long after [the Tlatelolco student massacre in] ’68, when it was off-limits to talk about that. What Felipe did was talk about that subject obliquely, indirectly. He also talked about the whole Mexican sociopolitical context.

Is Roma indebted to “Canoa” at all?

For “Roma,” I tried consciously to avoid influences and references. It was hard, because I have always thought about other movies while filming. I even watch some movies as inspiration, even if they are completely different, as long as I find an emotional connection or a shared language with whatever I am doing. In “Roma,” I didn’t want any of these influences, because I needed to be faithful and pure to the idea of re-creating memories. I remember whistling a melody while framing a shot. I noticed it was a Bach tune that was used in a movie I really love. And when I saw my scene, I discovered that it was also referential of that movie. Then I thought that was not what I wanted. [Roma’s production designer] Eugenio Caballero told me it was a beautiful scene. “Yes, it’s beautiful because it’s someone else’s, not this movie’s,” I told him. The other one is more beautiful, but this is the right one. It doesn’t mean there are no references at all, because, just as in our lives, you are what you’ve been. In filming, you are what you’ve watched and read and listened to — and not just from movies.

You’ve said before that “Roma” is also loosely based on your childhood. Were you able to exorcize any inner demons while making the film?
Every human experience related to a long-lasting project always is going to have a transformative part. When you start a job that takes longer than the average task, you go into a parallel reality. An abstraction begins, and everything outside your project seems to flow at a different pace. It flows differently. And when you reconnect with that reality, you feel the difference. Sometimes that difference creates transformations. Sometimes it’s kind of a shock, but that’s it. In “Roma,” specifically, any human experience focused on its own memory will inevitably have emotional consequences.

But you’re the one who is changing, right?

No, the universe is the one changing! [Laughs.] That’s not true — of course we’re changing. What changes in the universe is your perception about it. The universe doesn’t give a damn about you. In “Roma,” every person willing to focus on their memories is going to discover something. Those might be joyful or unpleasant discoveries. To face your memory is to face what you were back then that still lives inside your subconscious. “Roma” was a three-year process of living in memories, and not only living, but opening doors from the memory labyrinth. And as soon as you open a door, you find new corridors with new doors, and then every time you open a new door you find new corridors. The more you focus on this labyrinth, the more you get lost in it.
“Roma” is in theaters and on Netflix in December. Instagram: @alfonsocuaron.

‘We’re going to kill you’: Nicaragua’s brutal crackdown on press freedom

Journalists have been beaten, arrested, and robbed in the wake of the civil revolt that paralyzed the country earlier in the year

Toby Stirling Hill
in Managua

MANAGUA, Nicaragua, Mon 10 Dec 2018 – Nicaraguan TV journalist Miguel Mora was driving home from work when he was pulled over by armed police.

“They ordered me take off my glasses and put a hood over my head,” says Mora, who directs the 100% Noticias news channel. “Then they took me by the neck and forced me into a pickup, where an officer told me: ‘You’re responsible for the death of police. If you keep fucking around, we’re going to kill you and your whole family.’”

It was the sixth time Mora had been detained by police in the space of a week. He also faces criminal charges of “inciting hate”, while drones have filmed his house and armed men on motorbikes track his movements.

Such intimidation is part of an escalating assault on press freedoms in Nicaragua, unleashed in the wake of the civil revolt that paralyzed the country earlier in the year.

Journalists have been beaten, arrested and robbed; radio stations raided by police. Last week, both the UN and the IACHR condemned the intensifying harassment.

“This government has banned protest, captured opposition leaders, and now the only thing preventing a totalitarian dictatorship is the independent media,” says Mora. “This is the stage where they try to silence us.”

Anti-government protests broke out in April, sparked by the mismanagement of fires in a protected reserve and fuelled by fiscal reforms that slashed social security. They spread after police used live ammunition on demonstrators, killing dozens.

As the crisis worsened, 100 % Noticias beamed police and paramilitary violence into homes across the country. Newspapers exposed the state’s lethal tactics: one investigation drew on radiographic evidence to show that many of the deaths were the result of a single gunshot to the head, neck or chest – proof that state forces were shooting to kill.

From the start of the unrest, the government tried to control coverage, pressuring media bosses to self-censor. Journalists at Channel 10 – owned by the Mexican tycoon Remigio Ángel González – were initially barred from reporting on demonstrations.

“It was absurd: historic events were unfolding and we were ignoring them,” says Mauricio Madrigal, the station’s news editor. He and others threatened to resign, and the prohibition was dropped.

After that approach failed, officials turned to more direct tactics. Twelve members of Madrigal’s team have since quit, fearing for their family’s safety. Two 100% Noticias journalists have fled the country; on Saturday, a cameraman was seized by gunmen in civilian clothes as he left the channel’s headquarters, and thrown in jail.

“Every independent journalist has received death threats,” says Gerall Chávez, a reporter with VosTV, whose house was vandalized in August. One journalist has been killed during the violence; in total, more than 490 violations of press freedom have been documented in the course of the crisis. Now, having regained control of the streets, the government is determined to impose control over the narrative. In doing so, it aims to ensure impunity for the state forces that slaughtered hundreds of protesters.

“It’s an Orwellian strategy, to falsify the reality of the repression,” says Sofía Montenegro, a journalist and former Sandinista guerrilla who fought alongside President Daniel Ortega in the 1970s.

The official version of events is disseminated through a media empire built by Rosario Murillo, Nicaragua’s first lady and, since 2017, vice-president.
In 2007, shortly after her husband returned to power, Murillo published an ominous communication strategy, outlining plans to prevent critical media “contaminating” public perception of his administration.

Through the next decade, Murillo spent millions of dollars of Venezuelan cooperation funds – ostensibly destined for poverty reduction – on buying up Nicaragua’s media.

TV channels 4, 8, 9 and 13 are now owned by her children; also under the family’s control are Radio Ya, Radio Nicaragua and Radio Sandino, state broadcaster Channel 6, and the online news service El 19 Digital.

From April, this media apparatus worked to whitewash the government’s deadly response to the protests.

“We presented an alternative reality, where protesters were rightwing extremists killing Sandinistas,” says Carlos Mikel Espinoza, who was editor of El 19 Digital when protests broke out. “It was fascistic, an attempt to infuse hatred into government supporters and police.” Espinoza quit and fled to Costa Rica in June, after police and militants burned alive a family of six in their own home.

Murillo’s strategy has failed. Polls show that just one in five Nicaraguans believe the official line that “those who participated in roadblocks and marches are terrorists”. But this hasn’t stopped the Ortega-controlled courts prosecuting protesters as if they were the violent extremists government propaganda claims.

“We challenge this fantasy reality every day,” Miguel Mora concludes. “The logical next step – which I fully expect them to take – is to send their paramilitaries to close us down altogether.

“That would leave only their version of events: a pure, uncontaminated discourse.” – (the Bay Guardian).

Brain Peptides

by Ben Fuchs

Human beings love to be stoned. Despite police and prison and pecuniary penalties, the human intoxication impulse is apparently insatiable. And, as it turns out, there’s a biochemical basis to our brain’s desires for deliriousness.

In many ways human neurology is literally hardwired to be high. For example, our brains make chemicals called peptides that activate the same cells that marijuana does. Essentially, we make our own pot. We’re all literally pot heads.

And that’s not all. Our brains make peptides that activate the same cells as amphetamine and cocaine too. In other words, in addition to making our own marijuana we make our coke and speed. We make our own valium and Vicodin too. Endogenous human peptides it seems are also behind lots of drug effects and drug addictions.

One of the most famous of the drug-like brain peptides are the natural heroin like ones. They’re called endorphins which is a chemical way of saying, natural morphine like substances. “End-orphins” are internal morphine like substances. Some of these peptides that activate the opiate receptors that cause pain relief and relaxation effects are found in grains and flour. These are called exorphins and you can think of them as external opiates as opposed to end-orphins. Nonetheless they are a peptide and they can induce relaxing effect. This is one reason why these foods are called “comfort foods”.

At least one of these bread- brain peptides has a troubling nature. By now everyone has heard of gluten, which is a particularly problematic peptide complex that’s found in flour. Although most people are aware of how gluten can impact their intestines, constipation, loose stools, cramping and bloating are all common effects of gluten intolerance, what is less well-known what the toxic grain chemical can do the brain. In fact, as it turns out, our cranial computers are the organs most likely to be effected by gluten intolerance.

In his new book, Dr. David Pelmutter flatly states that “Grain Brain” the apt title of his expose on the brain busting effects of bread and other floury foods, can affect the formation of nerve cells and increase the risk of cognitive difficulties that can become progressively worse over time.

According to Dr. Pelmutter a diet heavy in these types of carbohydrate comestibles can increase risks for dementia, ADHD, anxiety, Tourette’s syndrome, mental illness, migraines and autism. And, Dr. Russell Blaylock, author of “Excitotoxins, the Taste That Kills” considers, gluten containing grains to be a primary source of excitotoxicity, a particularly pathological process where brain cells are excessively stimulated and ultimately damaged and killed. The most likely gluten containing grains and the ones best avoided, according to Dr. Blaylock are: wheat, rye, bulgur, couscous, spelt, kamut, semolina, triticale and einkorn.

International Latino Business Award recognizes work of LIBA-TV

Compiled by the El Reportero’s staff

The Third Annual Latin International Business Awards (LIBA) that recognizes Latino entrepreneurs took place in Hayward on Dec. 18, 2018.

On this occasion the winners of the evening were the team of the television program LIBA-TV, whose founder, writer and film producer Vicky Contreras, spoke about this new project dedicated to Latin entrepreneurs, institutions and agencies that support business development.

The annual delivery, LIBY Awards is a recognition of the work and effort of Latin American entrepreneurs in this country and it highlights that the good work done in your business will be valued and rewarded.

Ray Cepeda and José “Chepito” Aréas group

Everybody has been asking about the new Ray Cepeda and José “Chepito” Aréas single. “Mi Gloria” is a Latin Rock ballad that features Rock and Roll Hall of Fame inductee, José “Chepito” Aréas from the original Santana Band. Solid Latin Rock at its best. Great vocals and dual guitar leads. It’s available exclusively at cdbaby.

Saturday, Dec. 29, 2018 at 7 – 10 p.m. Hosted by Ray Cepeda/Musical Artist and Art House Gallery & Cultural Center, Art House Gallery & Cultural Center 2905 Shattuck Ave, Berkeley


ANNOUNCEMENT – Recruiting Bay Area High School Students: Apply Now for Paid MTC Summer Internship

Do the teens in your life have some extra time over the winter holidays to think about summer internships? If so, let them know that the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) is offering high school students around the Bay Area the opportunity to gain professional experience in transportation planning, engineering and related fields through its 2019 High School Internship Program. The internship program, now celebrating its 19th year, is now accepting applications for paid summer jobs with a variety of public transit agencies, city planning departments and public works agencies throughout the region. Internships are available in Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Napa, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Solano and Sonoma counties. A list of internship opportunities and the online application instructions are available at: https://jobs.mtc.ca.gov/internships.

Eligible students will be at least 16 years old and completing the 10th, 11th, or 12th grade by summer 2019. They will earn $15 per hour, with their wages paid by MTC, and can choose to work either full- or part-time, up to 250 hours. Students hired through the program are expected to attend an orientation session on June 18, 2019, as well as a closing forum in August, where they will present highlights of their work over the summer. Both events will take place at MTC’s offices at 375 Beale Street in San Francisco.
Students will work closely with mentors at host agencies to create rich summer experiences that foster connections for college recommendation letters and future job opportunities.