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Made in Mexico: Octavio Paz and the search for a national soul

Made in Mexico: Octavio Paz and the search for a national soul -- Octavio Paz es uno de los más grandes autores y poetas de México

by María Meléndez

Amigos, so far I’ve told you about writers that I think are quintessential for
understanding from another perspective what Mexico really is. Of them all, Octavio Paz
is my favorite — admitting that in mixed company, and especially in front of women, this admission can be controversial.

Paz is the only Mexican writer to have won the Nobel Prize in Literature. Yet for many,
the prize is tarnished by his friendliness with the ruling party of his era, the PRI. For
some women, the Nobel means little in light of his treatment of his ex-wife, the writer
Elena Garro.

More than merely a writer, Paz was a thinker who knew how to use language. His work
spans poems, essays, cultural criticism and philosophy. He developed as both a writer
and a diplomat, a dual life that let him see Mexico from afar and return with a clearer
view. His prose and poetry capture the tensions of a nation shaped by conquest,
religion, revolution, solitude and a long, fraught effort to reconcile Indigenous and
European inheritances.

To read Paz today is to wrestle with the same conflicts he confronted throughout his life:
art and politics, national identity and global exchange, solitude and community.

The making of a poet and philosopher

Octavio Paz was born in Mexico City on March 31, 1914, into a family marked by both
intellectual engagement and the upheavals of the Mexican Revolution. His grandfather,
a liberal intellectual with a substantial library, introduced him early to literature. Paz
published his first poetry collection, “Luna Silvestre” (“Wild Moon”), at just 19.

He briefly studied law at the National University of Mexico before abandoning it for
writing and journalism. In 1937, he traveled to Spain during the Civil War and joined the
Second International Congress of Anti-Fascist Writers — an experience that left a lasting
mark and revealed a pattern: Paz habitually looked outward, toward other countries and
traditions, to better understand his own. Hearing firsthand the conversations and
laughter of those behind the opposing lines convinced him that people on the other side
were human too, which made him more inclined toward tolerance and a readiness to
understand their perspectives.

After World War II, he entered Mexico’s diplomatic corps, spending two decades
abroad. His postings took him to the United States, France, Japan and India — years
that profoundly shaped his thinking. In Paris, he engaged with surrealism and European
modernism; in Japan, he absorbed Zen aesthetics and the discipline of haiku; in India, he
encountered Hindu and Buddhist thought. These cross-cultural encounters broadened
his sense of what poetry and identity could be, sustaining an intellectual curiosity that
resisted simplistic ideological labels.

The view from outside: Writing Mexico’s identity

Paz’s most celebrated work remains “El Laberinto de la Soledad” (1950), translated
as “The Labyrinth of Solitude.” It is not a conventional history of Mexico. It is an inquiry
into the psychological and cultural forces that shape Mexican experience.

Paz argued that Mexicans navigate a profound sense of solitude forged by the legacy of
conquest and mestizaje (cultural and racial mixing), and that this solitude expresses
itself in ritual, celebration, death, music and language. His reflections on
masks — symbolic and emotional — suggest a people negotiating between pride and
defensiveness, intimacy and distance.

His interpretations of fiestas, Day of the Dead rituals, and the figure of La Malinche are
not folkloric descriptions but attempts to chart a collective emotional landscape. “The
Labyrinth of Solitude” became essential reading in Mexico and abroad for anyone
seeking to understand the paradoxes at the heart of Mexican identity: joy entangled with
melancholy, pride layered over trauma.

Poetry as inquiry

Paz’s poetry is as probing as his essays. His early work reveals influences from
Marxism, surrealism and existentialism; his later poetry immerses itself in eroticism,
time and the inner life of language.

His long poem “Piedra de Sol” (“Sunstone”), published in 1957, is widely considered his
masterpiece. Structured around the 584-line cycle of the Aztec calendar, the poem
offers a circular meditation on love, time, memory and myth. It earned international
acclaim and was central to the body of work recognized by the Nobel committee.
Paz believed poetry did more than reflect reality — it transformed perception. His later
works often blur the boundaries between lyricism and philosophy, asking readers to
reconsider what it means to read, experience and interpret.

Politics: Between dialogue and dissent

Paz’s political positions resist easy categorization. Early in his career, he aligned himself
with left-leaning causes but never adhered strictly to ideological dogma. Experiences in
Spain, France and the United States made him cautious of rigid political identities long
before Cold War polarities hardened across Latin America.

His most famous political rupture came in 1968, when he resigned as Mexico’s
ambassador to India in protest of the government’s massacre of student demonstrators
in Tlatelolco. Few public intellectuals within the establishment took such a visible stand,
and his resignation cemented his reputation as someone willing to break ranks on
matters of principle.

Yet in later decades, he supported political and economic reforms that put him at odds
with more radical currents. He welcomed openings within Mexico’s political system,
defended liberal democratic ideals, and openly debated figures across the ideological
spectrum.

One of the most emblematic moments occurred during a televised conference in the
early 1990s, when Paz invited Mario Vargas Llosa to speak. After Paz remarked that
Mexico was the only Latin American country without a dictatorship, Vargas Llosa
famously countered that Mexico lived under “the perfect dictatorship.”

His discomfort stemmed partly from the fact that he was, indeed, close to certain
political actors. He believed that the new generation of PRI politicians in the late 1980s
and the 1990s were genuinely attempting to steer Mexico toward greater political openness. History ultimately showed that the party was undergoing a deep internal rupture and that there were figures committed to democratic reform.

For critics, this proximity to power damaged Paz’s credibility. For admirers, it
underscored his belief in dialogue rather than dogma. Whether one agrees with him or
not, his political thought was never simplistic; it reflected a consistent skepticism toward
authoritarianism and a faith in humanistic reason.

A cultural bridge and critical legacy

Paz’s influence extended well beyond his books. Through the literary
magazines Plural and later Vuelta, he helped shape intellectual debate across the
Spanish-speaking world. Vuelta, in particular, became a crucial forum for essays on art,
politics and culture, drawing contributions from Latin America, Europe and the United
States.

Paz anticipated discussions that today dominate cultural studies: the intersections of
identity and history, the weight of colonial legacies, and the friction between tradition
and modernity. His sustained engagement with Asian philosophies long before “global
literature” became a buzzword marks him as a thinker ahead of his time.

Why Octavio Paz still matters

Nearly three decades after he died in Mexico City in 1998, Octavio Paz remains
central to discussions of Mexican culture and identity. His writings are not relics but
living documents that invite readers to ask difficult and often uncomfortable questions.
Paz endures not because he offered final answers but because he insisted on
formulating the right questions:

What does it mean to be Mexican after conquest and revolution? How can poetry reveal
our deepest anxieties and desires? How do culture and history shape the self? Can
dialogue across traditions deepen our shared humanity?

These are not abstract inquiries. They continue to resonate across Mexico — on its
streets, in its newspapers, and in the diverse voices shaping its future.

Where to Start?

If you want to explore Paz’s work with greater depth, here are some accessible books in
English:

“The Labyrinth of Solitude” — the essential book for understanding Paz’s view of
Mexican identity.

“In Light of India” — reflections on India, selfhood and cross-cultural encounter.

“Sunstone” — his most celebrated long poem, and a modern classic.

“The Bow and the Lyre” — Paz’s philosophical meditation on poetry, language and
meaning.

Octavio Paz may remain uncomfortable for some readers — too nuanced, too elusive,
too willing to confront contradictions. But it is precisely that refusal to be easily
categorized that makes him one of Mexico’s most enduring cultural voices.

Lastly, if you’re wondering what happened with his ex-wife, and why many feminists
despise Paz, stay tuned for the Elena Garro piece.

Maria Meléndez writes for Mexico News Daily in Mexico City.

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Trump administration expands ICE authority to detain lawful refugees pending green card review

by the El Reportero staff

 The Trump administration has ordered U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers to detain certain refugees who entered the United States lawfully but have not secured permanent resident status within one year of arrival, according to a government memo filed this week in federal court. The directive marks a sharp departure from long-standing immigration enforcement policy and has alarmed refugee advocates.

Under federal law, refugees are eligible to apply for lawful permanent residency, commonly known as a green card, one year after admission to the United States. Many face delays due to backlogs, documentation issues and processing constraints. The new guidance instructs ICE to treat the one-year mark as a mandatory checkpoint, requiring refugees who have not adjusted their status to return to government custody for additional screening.

The memo authorizes ICE to detain refugees during the inspection process to determine whether they obtained their status through fraud or whether they present national security or public safety concerns, including possible ties to terrorism or serious criminal activity. Refugees who fail to appear for scheduled interviews may be located, arrested and detained. Those who trigger “red flags” could be stripped of legal status and placed in deportation proceedings.

Refugees are admitted to the United States after proving they are fleeing persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group. The resettlement process typically involves years of background checks and security vetting overseas. Historically, the United States resettled tens of thousands of refugees annually, though admissions have declined sharply amid recent policy restrictions and pauses to the program.

Administration officials say the policy enforces the law as written and is intended to strengthen oversight of those granted refuge. A spokesperson for U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services said the change prevents gaps in review and protects national security.

Immigrant advocates argue the directive unfairly targets people who entered the country legally and complied with the refugee process. They note the policy reverses prior ICE guidance that did not treat failure to obtain a green card within a year as grounds for detention and required rapid custody determinations. Critics also point to recent efforts to reexamine previously approved refugee cases and pauses on applications from certain countries as evidence of a broader tightening of legal immigration channels.

“This policy is a transparent effort to detain and potentially deport people the U.S. government itself welcomed after years of vetting,” said Beth Oppenheim, CEO of HIAS, a refugee resettlement organization. Legal challenges are expected as advocacy groups argue the directive undermines refugee protections and due process.

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When preaching becomes a “threat”: Turkey and religious freedom in Europe’s crosshairs

by the El Reportero staff

There are political decisions that, even when presented as acts of “national security,” end up revealing something deeper: power’s fear of difference. The recent resolution adopted by the European Parliament condemning Turkey for expelling Christian missionaries under opaque national security pretexts is not merely a diplomatic statement; it is a wake-up call about the direction taken by a country that sits at the crossroads of East and West, is a NATO member, and claims—at least rhetorically—to aspire to European human rights standards.

That 502 Members of the European Parliament from across the political spectrum voted in favor of the resolution speaks volumes. This is not an ideological maneuver or a religious crusade from Brussels. It is, rather, an acknowledgment that expelling people because of their faith—without public evidence, without due process, and without clear avenues for appeal—is incompatible with the basic principles of religious freedom and the rule of law that Turkey claims to uphold in its Constitution and in the international treaties it has signed.

The remarks by Dutch MEP Bert-Jan Ruissen capture the paradox at the heart of the issue: preaching a message of peace and reconciliation can turn someone into a “national security threat.” Taken to its logical extreme, that reasoning empties the very concept of security of meaning. When anything that makes those in power uncomfortable is labeled a risk, the line between legitimate state protection and the repression of fundamental freedoms becomes dangerously blurred.

The figures documented by ADF International are telling: at least 160 foreign Christian workers and their families have been expelled from Turkey or denied re-entry in recent years. These are not isolated incidents or bureaucratic mistakes. Many of those affected had lived in Turkey for decades, built families, and contributed to local communities. Suddenly, they found the door slammed shut without a concrete explanation. There are no public charges, no transparent proceedings, no real opportunity to defend oneself—only a bureaucratic stamp: “national security risk.”

This pattern cannot be understood outside the political climate that followed the failed coup attempt of 2016. Since then, the Turkish government has dramatically expanded the use of anti-terror and internal security laws. Under that umbrella, critics say, authorities have pursued opposition figures, journalists, academics, and civil society organizations. In such an environment, religious minorities—already vulnerable in a predominantly Muslim society—are exposed to arbitrary decisions that rarely face serious domestic scrutiny.

What is troubling is not that a state seeks to protect its security. Every country has that right and responsibility. What is alarming is when “security” becomes a catch-all label to silence inconvenient voices or expel those who do not fit the dominant narrative. Today it is Christian missionaries; tomorrow it could be activists, human rights defenders, or any group perceived as “other” or “suspicious.”

Ankara’s response—dismissing the resolution as “baseless” and insisting that no foreign institution has the right to interfere in its judicial processes—is predictable, but insufficient. National sovereignty is not a blank check to ignore international commitments. Turkey is a member of the Council of Europe and subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. The fact that at least 20 related cases are currently before that court suggests this is not a misunderstanding, but a practice that violates rights enshrined in conventions Turkey itself has accepted.

It is true that the European Parliament’s resolution is not legally binding. It does not force Turkey to change course overnight. But resolutions help shape the political climate. They draw lines in the sand. They pave the way for diplomatic pressure, conditionality in cooperation agreements, and broader debates about the relationship between the European Union and Turkey. In a world increasingly cynical about the language of human rights, such gestures still matter.

Beyond the Turkish case, this episode raises an uncomfortable question for all of us: how fragile are our freedoms when the word “security” enters the conversation? The temptation to trade rights for order is not unique to any one country. We have seen it in consolidated democracies and authoritarian regimes alike. That is why defending religious freedom—whether or not we believe in the message others preach—is really about defending something broader: the right to exist without being criminalized for what one believes.

When preaching becomes a “threat,” the problem is not the preacher. The problem is a power that no longer tolerates diversity. And that is always the first symptom of something deeper: a state afraid of its own fragility.

– With reports by Andreas Wailzer from LifeSite.

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Arresting drug users is a start — but what about the buyers of stolen goods?

Marvin Ramírez, editor

by Marvin Ramírez

San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie’s decision to authorize police to arrest people who use drugs in public and send them to RESET Centers instead of jail is a meaningful shift in policy. It recognizes what many frontline workers, families, and neighbors have been saying for years: addiction is a public health crisis, not just a criminal one. Giving people the option of treatment, detox and medical supervision instead of a jail cell is humane, practical and long overdue.

But if the city is serious about restoring safety and dignity to our neighborhoods, especially in places like 16th Street and Mission and 24th Street and Mission, this policy cannot stop with drug users alone. The deterioration we see every day in these plazas is not driven only by people consuming drugs. It is driven by an informal street economy built around stolen goods — and the buyers who keep that market alive.

Residents and merchants know the pattern well. The same individuals gather day after day, laying out cosmetics, detergent, toothpaste, liquor and packaged food stolen from nearby stores. Police patrol cars may sit in the plaza during the day, but once officers leave, the market reappears. The sellers change spots. The buyers come back. The cycle continues.

We talk endlessly about “retail theft rings” and “organized shoplifting,” but on the ground, what sustains this economy is not only the thief — it is the customer. Every person who buys stolen merchandise for a discount becomes part of the problem. Yet buyers of stolen goods are rarely targeted with the same urgency as drug users, dealers, or the unhoused. The message, intentional or not, is that buying stolen property is a minor offense, a harmless bargain hunt. It is not. It fuels theft, hurts small businesses, raises prices for honest customers, and keeps people trapped in cycles of crime and addiction.

If we can change the enforcement culture around public drug use, we can change it around fencing stolen goods. The law already makes it illegal to buy stolen property. The problem is not the lack of statutes; it is the lack of consistent enforcement. Buyers in known fencing hotspots should face immediate consequences, just as public drug users will now face arrest and referral to treatment. Without demand, the street market collapses.

There is also a practical, modern solution that the city should explore with major retailers. Most items sold at pharmacies and chain stores today carry barcodes or QR codes that indicate whether they have been scanned and paid for. Technology already exists to flag stolen merchandise. Retailers, in partnership with city agencies, could provide law enforcement with tools to verify items on the spot. If someone is selling or buying goods that clearly have not been purchased, police should be able to confiscate the merchandise immediately and issue citations or make arrests when appropriate. This is not about harassing people for being poor; it is about dismantling a criminal market that preys on both businesses and vulnerable individuals.

Just as important is the power of clear public messaging. The city posts signs warning against public drinking, drug use, and loitering. Why not post large, visible notices in known hotspots: “Buying stolen property is a crime and will be prosecuted”? Clear rules, clearly enforced, change behavior. When people know there are real consequences, many will think twice before participating.

The RESET Centers represent a compassionate attempt to interrupt the downward spiral of addiction. That same philosophy — interrupting destructive cycles — should be applied to the stolen-goods economy that corrodes our neighborhoods. Treatment for drug users is necessary. Accountability for buyers of stolen goods is just as essential. One without the other leaves the system half-repaired.

San Francisco does not have a single problem. It has interconnected ones. Addiction, theft, fencing, and neighborhood decay feed off each other. If we only pull one thread, the fabric continues to unravel. If we pull on both — treatment for users and real consequences for buyers — we finally have a chance to change the daily reality on our streets.

 

 

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Peru names new acting president

by the El Reportero‘s wire services

Peru’s Congress on Wednesday selected José María Balcázar to serve as acting president, placing him in charge of the country’s government until July 28, when the winner of the upcoming general elections is scheduled to take office. Balcázar replaces José Jerí, who had led the interim administration after the removal of former president Dina Boluarte last year.

Balcázar headed one of four slates competing for control of Congress’ leadership board, which also oversees the legislature through the end of its 2025–2026 term. His election gives him responsibility for guiding both the legislative agenda and the executive branch during the final months before Peru returns to the polls.

Jerí assumed the presidency in October 2025 following Congress’ decision to remove Boluarte from office. As Jerí was not an elected president, lawmakers removed him this week through a censure motion against the congressional leadership rather than through the constitutional vacancy process used in Boluarte’s case. The episode marks another leadership change in a country that has struggled with political instability for years.

With Balcázar’s appointment, Peru has now seen eight heads of state in less than a decade. Since 2016, when Ollanta Humala completed the term he began in 2011, no Peruvian president has finished a full mandate, a pattern that has fueled public frustration and weakened confidence in political institutions.

Government officials sought to minimize concerns about the transition. Ernesto Álvarez, the prime minister appointed during Jerí’s tenure, said Wednesday that the change in leadership should not be viewed as a crisis or a power struggle. He described it as an institutional process aimed at maintaining continuity of governance.

Álvarez said the outgoing administration would cooperate fully with Balcázar and called on political actors to prioritize stability in the months ahead. He emphasized the need to guide the state through the remainder of the transition period while building consensus to ensure that the upcoming general elections are conducted freely and impartially.

Peru is scheduled to hold the first round of general elections on April 12, with a runoff expected on June 7 if no candidate secures a majority. Until July 28, when the next elected president is sworn in, the caretaker administration will complete the remainder of the term originally won by Pedro Castillo in 2021, with Dina Boluarte serving at the time as vice president.

Balcázar had previously faced criticism from child rights groups for past statements supporting legal exceptions that would allow marriage at age 14.

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Everyday foods like strawberries and cilantro can disarm and eliminate heavy metals from the body

by Lance D Johnson

In a world where industrial byproducts linger in soil and trace metals drift through the air, detoxification has often been packaged by the wellness industry as expensive cleanses and miracle juices. Yet emerging nutritional science points to a simpler, food-first approach already sitting in the crisper drawer or spice cabinet. Research suggests that everyday plants and herbs can help the body counteract and eliminate toxic heavy metals such as lead, arsenic and mercury. This is not about drastic purges, but about using the protective biochemistry of common foods, turning daily meals into a quiet line of defense against environmental toxins.

Heavy metals are persistent elements in modern life. Lead, a potent neurotoxin, can leach from old plumbing or contaminated soil into water and food, harming childhood brain development. Arsenic, a known carcinogen, infiltrates the food chain, notably in rice and some fruit juices. Mercury bioaccumulates in the food web, concentrating in large predatory fish such as tuna and swordfish, threatening neurological health. Cadmium, a byproduct of industrial processes and battery production, builds up over time and stresses the kidneys. Aluminum, abundant in the earth’s crust, is amplified by mining and industrial activity and has been linked to neurological concerns. These metals generate oxidative stress, damage cells and DNA, and accumulate silently over a lifetime.

Historically, exposure was often occupational or acute, tied to specific trades. Today it is diffuse and environmental, making personal mitigation strategies more relevant. While sources of exposure can be limited, dietary choices offer a proactive layer of protection.

The body already has systems for processing toxins through the liver and kidneys. Certain foods support these pathways. Sulfur-rich vegetables such as garlic, onions, broccoli and Brussels sprouts contain compounds that bind to metals including cadmium, lead and mercury, helping shuttle them toward elimination. Garlic also protects the liver from metal-induced damage.

Leafy greens and herbs provide antioxidant and anti-inflammatory support. Beyond spinach and kale, cilantro has a growing research base suggesting it may help mobilize lead and mercury.

Turmeric’s curcumin is a powerful antioxidant; studies among populations exposed to arsenic found it helped repair DNA damage caused by the metal. However, consumers should be cautious with supplements. Public health warnings have noted some turmeric products, particularly from poorly regulated supply chains, have been adulterated with lead chromate to enhance color.

Fiber plays a direct role in detoxification. Soluble fibers such as pectin, found in apple skins, citrus peels and strawberries, can bind to heavy metals in the gastrointestinal tract, preventing absorption and promoting excretion. Modified citrus pectin has been shown to increase urinary excretion of arsenic, highlighting why whole fruits are more beneficial than juices, which lack fiber.

Strawberries provide a two-fold benefit through vitamin C and fiber. Vitamin C protects cells from oxidative damage, while the fiber binds metals during digestion. Laboratory simulations show natural insoluble fibers from fruits such as strawberries and apples can chelate mercury, trapping it in the gut and preventing absorption. Incorporating fibrous fruits into meals may reduce dietary exposure before metals enter circulation.

Other supportive foods include chlorella, a green algae thought to bind metals, and ginkgo biloba, whose antioxidants may counter lead-induced oxidative stress. Simple hydration with lemon water supports kidney function and adds vitamin C, which has been linked to reduced blood lead levels. Natural peanut butter contributes soluble fiber and selenium, a mineral that can counter mercury toxicity and support regular elimination.

The broader strategy is consistency, not extreme intervention. Adding herbs to salads, using garlic and onions as culinary staples, choosing leafy greens and whole fruits, and prioritizing fiber create daily, low-cost protection. These foods also benefit heart health and inflammation, making heavy-metal defense a side benefit of eating well. In a polluted world, the kitchen offers a practical place to reclaim agency—one meal at a time.

– Editor’s note: This article has been edited and shortened to fit print space.

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California jail death oversight office has yet to complete a single review a year after launch

Protestors hold signs to protest jail deaths in Riverside County, on Oct. 31, 2023. A state watchdog has yet to finish reviewing a jail death case, after a year. Photo by Jules Hotz for CalMatters. -- Manifestantes sostienen pancartas para protestar contra las muertes en prisión en el condado de Riverside, el 31 de octubre de 2023. Un organismo de control estatal aún no ha finalizado la revisión de un caso de muerte en prisión, después de un año.

by the El Reportero staff

Based on reporting and analysis by David Myers

Nearly a year after California launched a new statewide office to review deaths in county jails, the agency has not completed a single case review, raising questions about the effectiveness of a law that state leaders said would bring accountability and transparency to in-custody deaths.

The In-Custody Death Review Division was created under Senate Bill 519 (https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB519), authored by then–state Sen. Toni Atkins (https://sd39.senate.ca.gov/) and signed into law in 2024. The legislation was promoted as a response to long-standing concerns that county sheriffs were effectively tasked with investigating deaths occurring in facilities they operate, a structure widely criticized by civil rights advocates and families of people who died in custody.

Under the law, the state office is authorized to collect records from county agencies, analyze deaths in local jails and issue recommendations aimed at preventing future fatalities. Supporters of SB 519 said the measure would introduce independent oversight and consistent statewide standards. However, according to information reviewed by El Reportero, the division has yet to finalize any reports since the law took effect.

Experts and former law enforcement officials say structural limits built into the legislation may help explain the lack of progress. The office can request records and propose changes, but it does not have authority to compel counties to turn over documents within set deadlines or to impose penalties if agencies delay or refuse to cooperate. As a result, reviews can stall when local departments are slow to provide information.

In several California counties, the sheriff also serves as the coroner, the official responsible for determining the cause and manner of death. That arrangement has drawn scrutiny because it places responsibility for jail operations and death determinations within the same office. While SB 519 acknowledged concerns about conflicts of interest, the law did not prohibit sheriffs from retaining both roles.

The California Attorney General’s Office (https://oag.ca.gov/), which is responsible for enforcing state law, has not announced any formal actions against counties that fail to meet the expectations outlined in SB 519. State officials have said the review division is still in the process of building staffing and procedures, but critics note that the lack of enforceable deadlines reduces pressure on local agencies to prioritize cooperation.

California has faced previous challenges with oversight of jail deaths. In San Diego County (https://www.sdsheriff.gov/), a local review body fell behind in its workload and ultimately dismissed numerous cases without completing substantive reviews, according to public records. Advocates warn that similar backlogs at the state level could lead to years-long delays in accountability.

Families of people who die in custody have repeatedly called for timely, independent investigations and public reporting of findings. Law enforcement unions and county officials, meanwhile, have argued that records requests can be complex and that agencies must balance transparency with privacy protections and ongoing investigations.

State lawmakers who supported SB 519 have said they remain committed to improving oversight and may consider adjustments if the current framework proves insufficient. Policy analysts note that potential changes could include enforceable timelines for document production, clearer limits on redactions and a defined escalation process when counties do not comply with requests from the state office.

For now, the absence of completed reviews underscores the gap between legislative intent and on-the-ground implementation. Whether California’s new oversight system can fulfill its promise will likely depend on whether state leaders strengthen the law’s enforcement mechanisms and provide the resources and authority needed to ensure that reviews move forward.

– David Myers is a former commander and 33-year veteran of the San Diego County Sheriff’s Department.

 

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Sheinbaum urges U.S. to drop steel and aluminum tariffs after USTR hints

A reporter noted that U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer made remarks on Tuesday about the United States' steel and aluminum tariffs and asked the president what relevant information her government has. (Saúl López Escorcia/Presidencia). -- Sheinbaum pide a EE.UU. que retire los aranceles al acero y al aluminio tras insinuaciones de la USTR

by Peter Davies

Mexico News Daily

Among the topics discussed at President Claudia Sheinbaum’s Wednesday morning press conference were the corruption allegations detailed in a book by a former federal official and the United States’ tariffs on steel and aluminum.

Late in the mañanera, Sheinbaum encouraged more countries to send humanitarian aid to Cuba, a country currently plagued by severe fuel and food shortages.

Government not planning to investigate accusations made by AMLO-era legal advisor in new book 

A reporter noted that Julio Scherer Ibarra — who served as former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s top legal advisor between 2018 and 2021 — makes various allegations of corruption in his book “Ni venganza ni perdón.”

Scherer, a lawyer, writer and academic whose father founded the news magazine Proceso, levels accusations of corruption against various people who served in AMLO’s government, including the ex-president’s spokesman Jesús Ramírez, who is now Sheinbaum’s coordinator of advisors.

The aforesaid reporter asked Anti-Corruption and Good Governance Minister Raquel Buenrostro whether the ministry she leads should investigate Scherer’s accusations “de oficio” (ex officio), or on its own initiative.

“We always follow up on every complaint that comes in, always,” Buenrostro said.

“We receive anonymous complaints. Many complaints are made in newspapers — you say  ‘Hopefully the Anti-Corruption Ministry will look into this’ — and you give us details, names, official documents, places. When that information is available and considered relevant, we can initiate investigations on our own initiative,” she said.

“When there’s no [supporting] information, just someone’s word, it’s complicated. I mean, we have a finite number of people. So, when do we initiate investigations on our own initiative? Well, when there is enough evidence to know where to begin,” Buenrostro said.

The reporter pointed out that the accusations come from an official who worked in AMLO’s government and was “perhaps” a witness to the cases of corruption he describes in his book.

Sheinbaum interrupted to say that Scherer should present a formal complaint to authorities, as he did against former attorney general Alejandro Gertz Manero and other high-ranking law enforcement officials in 2022.

Buenrostro agreed with the president.

“He should file complaints because the narrative [in the book] is insufficient to begin an investigation,” she said.

“Whoever has proof should present a complaint, right?” Sheinbaum said. “I mean, anyone can do it.”

Removal of US metal tariffs ‘would be very good,’ Sheinbaum says after USTR remarks 

A reporter noted that U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer made remarks on Tuesday about the United States’ steel and aluminum tariffs and asked the president what relevant information her government has.

“We’ve been reading and something was mentioned to [Economy] Minister Ebrard. We still don’t have anything concrete,” Sheinbaum said.

In an interview with CNBC, Greer said that the United States’ steel exports have increased as a result of the implementation of tariffs, before noting that “there was some reporting over the weekend about adjustments there.”

“You may want to sometimes adjust the way some of the tariffs are applied for compliance purposes. I’m not giving you double-talk here. We’ve heard stories of companies that have had to hire extra people for compliance. We’re not trying to have people do so much bean counting that they’re not running their company correctly,” the trade representative said.

“The president’s tariffs on steel and aluminum have been very successful, shipping more steel than ever, opening up new steel lines, new aluminum smelters announced, so clearly those are going in the right direction and they’re going to stay in place,” Greer added.

Although Greer gave no clear indication that the United States would lower its 50% tariffs on steel and aluminum — including Mexican steel and aluminum — Sheinbaum said she hoped they would.

“It is something that we have been requesting,” she noted.

“The tariffs on steel and aluminum aren’t, let’s say, just on pure steel and aluminum,” Sheinbaum said, noting that the duties also apply to products derived from those metals.

“That causes a lot of problems,” she said.

Asked whether her government believes that adjustments to the steel and aluminum tariffs would in fact entail their elimination, Sheinbaum responded, “We’ll have to see, we’re going to wait.”

“Remember that [the tariff] is at 50%, it’s a very high tariff. So, that’s also having an impact in the United States. Many of these tariffs have a significant impact on Americans because they raise prices and increase inflation,” she added, contradicting remarks made by Greer on Tuesday.

“… We’re going to wait, and if that’s the case, it would be very good,” Sheinbaum said, referring to a possible (although seemingly unlikely) decision by the U.S. government to eliminate tariffs on steel and aluminum.

Sheinbaum: Hopefully more countries will send aid to Cuba 

After a reporter noted that Mexico has recently sent humanitarian aid to Cuba and that Spain has committed to doing the same, Sheinbaum said that “hopefully more countries will join” the efforts to support the Cuban people.

“We’re going to continue sending aid,” the president added.

Mexico, however, has suspended its shipments of oil to Cuba in order to avoid the imposition of additional tariffs on its exports to the United States.

U.S. President Donald Trump announced in late January that the United States would impose additional tariffs on goods from countries that supply oil to the communist-run Caribbean island.

On Wednesday morning, Sheinbaum reiterated that Mexico has always shown solidarity with Cuba, and now “won’t be the exception.”

On Friday, she said her government was prepared to establish a “humanitarian aid air bridge” to transport to Cuba provisions brought to Mexico by other countries around the world.

On Wednesday, CNN reported that “Cuba may be experiencing the most profound moment of economic uncertainty that the island’s residents have endured in decades if not over their entire lives.”

“Through military action in Venezuela and threats of tariffs on Mexico, the Trump administration has shut off the flow of oil to Cuba, attempting to strong-arm the communist-run island into making significant political and economic reforms,” CNN wrote.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

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Latino Arts Center at 2868 Mission to remain cultural space after seismic retrofit

by El Reportero’s news services

San Francisco officials have reaffirmed that the historic building at 2868 Mission Street — long home to Latino arts and cultural programming — will remain dedicated to that mission, even as the site prepares for a major seismic retrofit expected to begin in 2027.

The San Francisco Board of Supervisors approved a resolution this week committing the city to preserve the Mission District property as a Latino arts and culture center during and after the multi-year renovation. The four-story, 37,000-square-foot building, owned by the San Francisco Arts Commission, is expected to be closed for roughly three years while safety upgrades are completed.

District 9 Supervisor Jackie Fielder, who authored the resolution, said the measure is meant to ensure that the cultural purpose of the building is protected long-term, regardless of administrative changes during construction.

The resolution comes amid uncertainty surrounding the Mission Cultural Center for the Latino Arts (MCCLA), the nonprofit organization that has operated out of the building for decades. Founded in 1977, MCCLA recently declared bankruptcy and has been without staff since late January. City leaders stressed that the resolution is separate from the organization’s current financial challenges and focuses specifically on the future use of the public building.

Community advocates and cultural leaders urged city officials to move quickly to protect the site’s role in the neighborhood. Residents described the building as more than a venue, calling it a vital hub for murals, printmaking, dance, youth programs, and community organizing. During recent labor actions affecting San Francisco Unified School District schools, some community members said the space could serve as a safe place for students and families if reopened and stabilized.

Calle 24 Executive Director Susana Rojas, who is coordinating efforts to help stabilize and reimagine MCCLA, said hundreds of community members have already participated in discussions about the center’s future. Organizers are now exploring options for new fiscal sponsorship and long-term governance models, with additional community meetings planned in the coming weeks.

Mayor Daniel Lurie said in a statement that the city is working with artists, cultural workers, and neighborhood leaders to ensure the building continues to serve the Mission District’s Latino community. Supervisors from multiple districts co-sponsored the resolution, emphasizing that Latino cultural institutions have historically faced funding gaps compared to larger, more established arts organizations.

City leaders said the resolution is intended to make clear that the Mission Street site will not be repurposed and that preserving Latino cultural space in the neighborhood remains a city priority.

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SF offers options for this Valentine’s Day

Celebrating with dancing is a great plan for this weekend with La Internacional Sonora Dinamita. (https://www.recordnet.com) -- Celebrar bailando es un buen plan para este fin de semana con La Internacional Sonora Dinamita.

by Magdy Zara

Every February 14th, Valentine’s Day is celebrated, a perfect date to exchange gifts and share with that special someone.

A series of events have been scheduled for this weekend, ranging from family activities to concerts and dance parties with live music.

Enjoy Valentine’s Day with Momotombo, which presents a celebration with the original and former members of Malo and Santana, promising an unforgettable evening.

The event takes place this February 14th, starting at 7 p.m., at Sausalito Seahorse Supper Club, located at 305 Harbor Dr, Sausalito. The entrance fee is $25.00.

La Internacional Sonora Dinamita also offers an unforgettable night with the legends of cumbia, who will bring you rhythm, energy, and inexhaustible passion. The invitation is to share this day of love and friendship with your group of friends and enjoy the best live music.

This Latin party will be this Saturday, February 14th, at 8 p.m., at Vinnie’s Bar & Grill, located at 2045 Mt Diablo St, Concordia.

If you want to dance all night, don’t miss the “Dance of Love” featuring the orchestras: Alberto y la Diferencia and Roberto y su Orquesta N Rumba.

This is the first time both bands will perform together in full at the Hall of Fame, along with DJ Franklin. The venue is Roccapulco, 3140 Mission Street, SF, starting at 7 p.m.

The San Francisco Symphony Orchestra has also organized its “Music of the Heart” concert.

Live classical music will also be a highlight this Valentine’s Day, which you can share with the whole family. This performance is part of the San Francisco Symphony’s Music for Families concert series, designed to spark musical curiosity in children of all ages. It’s the perfect outing for Valentine’s Day. Recommended for children ages 5 to 12.

In addition to the concert, you’ll find an interactive instrument zoo and coloring area in the lobby.

The concert takes place this Saturday, February 14, at Davies Symphony Hall, located at 201 Van Ness Avenue, San Francisco.

You can also enjoy Jazz on Valentine’s Day with four-time Grammy Award-winning bass virtuoso Stanley Clarke.

Clarke has become a living legend during his more than 50-year career as a bass virtuoso. He is the first bassist in history to play both acoustic and electric bass with equal ferocity, and the first jazz-fusion bassist to headline tours, selling out shows worldwide. He will be performing this February 15th at Yoshi’s, located at 510 Embarcadero West, Oakland, starting at 9 p.m)

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