By Jon Rappoport

In several recent articles (all here under category: socialism), I’ve exposed the myth that socialism is a revolution of and for the people.

I’ve presented evidence that socialism is actually a movement owned, operated, and funded by ultra-wealthy elites.

Dupes, foot soldiers, blind idealists, indoctrinated students, and low-level thugs are recruited through cutouts to serve the agenda of Rockefeller Globalists, for example, who are determined to bring about worldwide socialism.

Socialism, in a nutshell, equals ultra-rich elites (represented by the Council on Foreign Relations, Trilateral Commission, Bilderberg, etc.) owning the free market, cutting out competition, and creating more powerful, overarching, central governments.

Hidden in the plan is the granting of greater dominion to mega-corporations. This is a key fact.

The US Constitution was a document that established extremely limited central government. Regardless of the motives of the authors and the state legislatures that ratified it, the ideas contained in the Constitution were, and are, extremely oppressive toward large centralized structures controlling the people.

But there was another factor present at the beginning of the American Republic.

At the dawn of the United States, corporations were chartered and thus allowed to operate by the individual states. If a corporation, in the eyes of a state legislature, violated a basic trust by harming the people, committing offenses against the citizenry, the legislature could summarily cancel their charter and literally exile them from the state.

This power followed, in part, from the fact that corporations were not and are not individuals. They do not have the rights and freedoms of individuals. Corporations were not granted the rights of citizens in the Constitution.

Richard Grossman, an activist and scholar of US corporate history, unearthed and made lucid these facts.

At the birth of the American Republic, therefore, there was a double limitation on power. Central government and corporations were both strapped and shackled.

Of course, just as the federal government has been allowed to expand like an unchecked fungus, so has corporate power.

Under socialism (aka Globalism), mega-corporate power is the prow of a ship that sails on and on and conquers the economies of the world.

Corporate crimes go unpunished.

Contrary to popular belief, the real agenda of socialism has nothing to do with prosecuting those crimes.

The idea, for example, that greater socialism in America would defeat Monsanto is ludicrous in the extreme.

Monsanto is one of the components of actual socialism—the real, not the fake, version.

Again, socialism is by, for, and of the ultra-wealthy elites. It is not a movement on behalf of the downtrodden.

As Gary Allen puts it in his 1971 classic, None Dare call It Conspiracy: “…pressure from above and pressure from below… The pressure from above comes from secret, ostensibly respectable Comrades in the government and [elite Globalist] Establishment, forming, with the radicalized mobs in the streets below, a giant pincer around middle-class society. The street rioters are pawns, shills, puppets, and dupes for an oligarchy of elitist conspirators working above to turn America’s limited government into an unlimited government with total control over our lives and property.”

“The American middle class is being squeezed to death by a vise. In the streets we have avowed revolutionary groups… Virtually all members of these groups sincerely believe that they are fighting the Establishment. In reality they are an indispensable ally of the Establishment in fastening Socialism on all of us. The naive radicals think that under Socialism the ‘people’ will run everything. Actually, it will be a clique of Insiders in total control, consolidating and controlling all wealth. That is why these schoolboy Lenins and teenage Trotskys are allowed to roam free and are practically never arrested or prosecuted. They are protected. If the Establishment wanted the revolutionaries stopped, how long do you think they would be tolerated?”

Gary Allen wrote that passage in 1971. Does it ring a familiar bell now?

As philosopher George Santayana famously wrote in 1905, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”

Equally famous is the prescription for all advertising: repeat the same message over and over, so it sinks into the mind and forms a false impression of truth.

Thus it has been with the basic message of socialism. “This is a form of government that finally serves the people. It is the people rising up to take the reins of power.”

Once that notion is rigidly fixed in consciousness, it is impossible to believe socialism is actually emanating from the elite of the elite.

Fortunately, more and more people are waking up to the basic con of fake news, which doesn’t only broadcast distorted current events spooling out through screens, day by day.

Basic themes of fake news also span decades and even centuries.

What will happen when enough young people, who want to tear down the structures of the monopolists, realize those same men are bankrolling them in the streets?

What will happen when these young people realize their teachers and mentors and handlers and professors have been feeding them the precise reverse of the truth?

As long as independent media continue to proliferate, that day is coming.

(Jon Rappoport is the author of three explosive collections, The Matrix Revealed, Exit From The Matrix, and Power Outside The Matrix).

By Jon Rappoport

In several recent articles (all here under category: socialism), I’ve exposed the myth that socialism is a revolution of and for the people.

I’ve presented evidence that socialism is actually a movement owned, operated, and funded by ultra-wealthy elites.

Dupes, foot soldiers, blind idealists, indoctrinated students, and low-level thugs are recruited through cutouts to serve the agenda of Rockefeller Globalists, for example, who are determined to bring about worldwide socialism.

Socialism, in a nutshell, equals ultra-rich elites (represented by the Council on Foreign Relations, Trilateral Commission, Bilderberg, etc.) owning the free market, cutting out competition, and creating more powerful, overarching, central governments.

Hidden in the plan is the granting of greater dominion to mega-corporations. This is a key fact.

The US Constitution was a document that established extremely limited central government. Regardless of the motives of the authors and the state legislatures that ratified it, the ideas contained in the Constitution were, and are, extremely oppressive toward large centralized structures controlling the people.

But there was another factor present at the beginning of the American Republic.

At the dawn of the United States, corporations were chartered and thus allowed to operate by the individual states. If a corporation, in the eyes of a state legislature, violated a basic trust by harming the people, committing offenses against the citizenry, the legislature could summarily cancel their charter and literally exile them from the state.

This power followed, in part, from the fact that corporations were not and are not individuals. They do not have the rights and freedoms of individuals. Corporations were not granted the rights of citizens in the Constitution.

Richard Grossman, an activist and scholar of US corporate history, unearthed and made lucid these facts.

At the birth of the American Republic, therefore, there was a double limitation on power. Central government and corporations were both strapped and shackled.

Of course, just as the federal government has been allowed to expand like an unchecked fungus, so has corporate power.

Under socialism (aka Globalism), mega-corporate power is the prow of a ship that sails on and on and conquers the economies of the world.

Corporate crimes go unpunished.

Contrary to popular belief, the real agenda of socialism has nothing to do with prosecuting those crimes.

The idea, for example, that greater socialism in America would defeat Monsanto is ludicrous in the extreme.

Monsanto is one of the components of actual socialism—the real, not the fake, version.

Again, socialism is by, for, and of the ultra-wealthy elites. It is not a movement on behalf of the downtrodden.

As Gary Allen puts it in his 1971 classic, None Dare call It Conspiracy: “…pressure from above and pressure from below… The pressure from above comes from secret, ostensibly respectable Comrades in the government and [elite Globalist] Establishment, forming, with the radicalized mobs in the streets below, a giant pincer around middle-class society. The street rioters are pawns, shills, puppets, and dupes for an oligarchy of elitist conspirators working above to turn America’s limited government into an unlimited government with total control over our lives and property.”

“The American middle class is being squeezed to death by a vise. In the streets we have avowed revolutionary groups… Virtually all members of these groups sincerely believe that they are fighting the Establishment. In reality they are an indispensable ally of the Establishment in fastening Socialism on all of us. The naive radicals think that under Socialism the ‘people’ will run everything. Actually, it will be a clique of Insiders in total control, consolidating and controlling all wealth. That is why these schoolboy Lenins and teenage Trotskys are allowed to roam free and are practically never arrested or prosecuted. They are protected. If the Establishment wanted the revolutionaries stopped, how long do you think they would be tolerated?”

Gary Allen wrote that passage in 1971. Does it ring a familiar bell now?

As philosopher George Santayana famously wrote in 1905, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”

Equally famous is the prescription for all advertising: repeat the same message over and over, so it sinks into the mind and forms a false impression of truth.

Thus it has been with the basic message of socialism. “This is a form of government that finally serves the people. It is the people rising up to take the reins of power.”

Once that notion is rigidly fixed in consciousness, it is impossible to believe socialism is actually emanating from the elite of the elite.

Fortunately, more and more people are waking up to the basic con of fake news, which doesn’t only broadcast distorted current events spooling out through screens, day by day.

Basic themes of fake news also span decades and even centuries.

What will happen when enough young people, who want to tear down the structures of the monopolists, realize those same men are bankrolling them in the streets?

What will happen when these young people realize their teachers and mentors and handlers and professors have been feeding them the precise reverse of the truth?

As long as independent media continue to proliferate, that day is coming.

(Jon Rappoport is the author of three explosive collections, The Matrix Revealed, Exit From The Matrix, and Power Outside The Matrix).

Los empresarios afirman que el modelo corporativista “se agotó” y apoyan un cambio en el Gobierno

por Carlos Salinas

Entre los cambios que ha generado la inédita rebelión popular en Nicaragua, que desde hace 43 días exige en las calles la salida del presidente Daniel Ortega del Gobierno, está el fin del modelo corporativista que durante diez años fue uno de los principales pilares que le daban estabilidad al régimen.

La noche del martes el Consejo Superior de la Empresa Privada (COSEP), la principal cámara empresarial del país, demandó a sus miembros a renunciar de “forma inmediata” a cualquier relación que mantuvieran con el Ejecutivo de Ortega, mientras que dos de los más poderosos empresarios del país, Carlos Pellas y Piero Coen, afirmaron que ese modelo corporativista “se agotó” y que es necesario un cambio de Gobierno.

El COSEP afirmó en un comunicado hecho público la noche del martes que a partir del 18 de abril –cuando Ortega desató una feroz opresión contra las manifestaciones que se oponían a una reforma a la Seguridad Social impuesta sin consenso– suspendió su participación “en cualquier reunión con las autoridades del Gobierno como consecuencia de nuestro rechazo a la represión y nuestro compromiso con la justicia y la democracia de Nicaragua”. Muchos miembros de la cámara, sin embargo, mantenían cargos en comisiones, comités o justas directivas de instituciones públicas, dentro del modelo de alianza entre el sector privado y el Gobierno desarrollado por Ortega. Desde ayer esa relación quedó rota.

Los empresarios criticaron la represión y los actos de violencia desatados desde el Ejecutivo, que no ha implementado las recomendaciones hechas por la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH), que exigió el fin de toda forma de represión, el respeto al derecho de los nicaragüenses de protestar de forma pacífica, la protección de los manifestantes y la creación de un mecanismo internacional, autónomo, para investigar y esclarecer las violaciones a los derechos humanos en del país desde abril.

El lunes, Nicaragua vivió una de las jornadas más violentas desde abril, después de que huestes del Frente Sandinista, grupos parapoliciales y oficiales antidisturbios atacaran el campus de la Universidad Nacional de Ingeniería (UNI), donde se habían atrincherado un centenar de estudiantes que exigía el fin del Gobierno sandinista. Las imágenes retransmitidas en vivo por la televisión mostraban a los oficiales disparando a mansalva en el que es el corazón comercial y financiero de Managua.

La violencia dejó dos muertos, más de 40 heridos, una veintena de jóvenes apresados, comercios atacados, quemada la fachada de una radio progubernamental y periodistas agredidos.

Familiares de esos detenidos se presentaron el martes a la sede de la Dirección de Auxilio Judicial, en Managua, popularmente conocida como “El Chipote” y denunciada como centro de torturas. Las madres de estas personas exigían su liberación y tras varias horas de presión un grupo de sacerdotes pudo acceder al edificio. Tras una rápida negociación lograron la promesa de las autoridades de liberar a 22 jóvenes capturados el lunes. Fueron entregados en la Catedral Metropolitana de la capital nicaragüense, pero otras madres informaron de que en la lista no estaban sus hijos, a quienes dan por “desaparecidos”.

“Demandamos la inmediata liberación de los jóvenes y ciudadanos que todavía continúan ilegalmente detenidos”, dijeron los empresarios en su comunicado.
Los empresarios del sector turístico de Nicaragua –uno de los pilares de la economía de este país– también se pronunciaron la noche del martes. Este gremio ha sido duramente golpeado por la crisis. Hay hoteles en las ciudades coloniales de Granada y León –postales de presentación de este país frente al mundo– que no cuentan con huéspedes, otros que funcionan al 20 por ciento de su capacidad, mientras los restaurantes informaron de pérdidas de hasta el 50 por ciento.

En su comunicado la Cámara del Turismo responsabilizó al Gobierno de la violencia e instó a todos sus miembros a participar en una manifestación nacional que se realizará este miércoles, Día de las Madres en Nicaragua, que sería encabezada por las madres de los muertos por la represión. La manifestación, a la que se unirían todas las cámaras empresariales, los universitarios, campesinos y organizaciones de la sociedad civil prometió ser gigantesca.

“Reiteramos nuestra posición firme y clara al lado del pueblo que lucha para alcanza justicia para los asesinados, heridos, torturados, desaparecidos y detenidos ilegalmente”, dijeron los empresarios. “El turismo, algún día, cuando la paz brille en nuestro suelo patrio, podremos recuperarlo, pero las vidas de más de 90 hermanos nicaragüenses, en su gran mayoría estudiantes en la flor de la juventud, no podremos recuperarlas jamás. Por eso y por ellos exigimos justicia”.

Las declaraciones más sintomáticas de la ruptura con el Gobierno vinieron, sin embargo, de dos de los principales empresarios de del país.

Piero Coen, presidente de un grupo de empresas con intereses en el sector agroindustrial, de finanzas y bienes raíces, criticó la feroz represión del Gobierno en una entrevista con el periodista Carlos Fernando Chamorro, director de la revista Confidencial.

Coen abogó por una salida “rápida, ordenada y pacífica” de la crisis y afirmo que el modelo corporativista era “insostenible”. Para Coen los empresarios “ya no marcamos la pauta”. En términos similares se expresó Carlos Pellas, el poderoso empresario que lidera el Grupo Pellas, productor del famoso Ron Flor de Caña, quien en una entrevista con el diario La Prensa dijo que “el modelo que traía el país se agotó” y que se necesita “de forma urgente” un cambio, lo que pasa por adelanto de elecciones y “profunda transformación institucional”.

Ortega había impuesto durante 10 años un modelo económico en el que las decisiones se tomaban entre él y la cúpula empresarial. El mandatario les garantizaba a los empresarios estabilidad y ventajas para hacer negocios, mientras estos no intervenían en las decisiones políticas de Ortega y su deriva autoritaria. Así, permitieron el secuestro de las instituciones, la reforma a la Constitución para que el exguerrillero sandinista se perpetuara en el poder y desarrollara un Gobierno dinástico, con su esposa como vicepresidenta, y con denuncias de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y la libertad de prensa.

“A Ortega ahora se le ha configurado el peor escenario. Tiene a la gente en las calles, la demanda ciudadana que exige que se vaya del poder y ahora se le ha caído el modelo que era uno de sus pilares, la relación con el capital”, explica a El País, Azahaléa Solís, jurista participante en la mesa del Diálogo Nacional que pretende hallar una solución a la profunda crisis política que sufre el país.

“Este escenario es más sombrío para Ortega”, agrega. Solís añade que ahora no puede haber “aterrizaje suave”, es decir, una solución a largo plazo a través de un acuerdo configurado con la OEA, que apostaba a que Ortega terminara su mandato en 2021.

“Ese acuerdo queda desfasado y es anacrónico”, ha dicho la analista. Aunque es difícil prever cuál será la respuesta de Ortega frente a la ruptura de los empresarios, una acción simbólica del mandatario demuestra su debilidad: ordenó construir más barricadas con enormes piedras alrededor de su casa, en el capitalino barrio del El Carmen, y aumentó el perímetro de seguridad, con decenas de oficiales armados en la zona.

The employers of Nicaragua break with Ortega

Business sector says that the corporatist model “got exhausted” and they support a change in the government

by Carlos Salinas

Among the changes generated by the unprecedented popular rebellion in Nicaragua, which for the past 43 days has demanded the departure of President Daniel Ortega from the government, is the end of the corporatist model that for ten years was one of the main pillars that gave it stability to the regime.

On Tuesday night, the Higher Council for Private Enterprise (COSEP), the country’s leading business chamber, demanded that its members resign “in an immediate manner” to any relationship they had with the Ortega Executive, while two of the most powerful businessmen of the country, Carlos Pellas and Piero Coen, affirmed that this corporatist model “was exhausted” and that a change of Government is necessary.

The COSEP said in a statement made public on Tuesday night that from April 18 – when Ortega unleashed a fierce oppression against demonstrations that opposed a Social Security reform imposed without consensus – he suspended his participation “in any meeting with government authorities as a consequence of our rejection of repression and our commitment to justice and democracy in Nicaragua.” Many members of the chamber, however, held positions in commissions, committees or just directives of public institutions, within the model of partnership between the private sector and the government developed by Ortega. Since yesterday that relationship was broken.

The businessmen criticized the repression and acts of violence unleashed by the Executive, which has not implemented the recommendations made by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH), which demanded the end of all forms of repression, respect for the rights of Nicaraguans to protest in a peaceful way, the protection of the demonstrators and the creation of an international, autonomous mechanism to investigate and clarify the violations of human rights in the country since April.

On Monday, Nicaragua experienced one of the most violent days since April, after forces of the Sandinista Front, para-police groups and riot police attacked the campus of the National University of Engineering (UNI), where a hundred students had barricaded themselves that demand the end of the Sandinista government. The images retransmitted live on television showed the officers shooting at close range in what is the commercial and financial heart of Managua.

The violence left two dead, more than 40 wounded, a score of young people imprisoned, businesses attacked, the façade of a pro-government radio and journalists assaulted.

Relatives of these detainees were showed up on Tuesday at the headquarters of the Directorate of Judicial Assistance, in Managua, popularly known as “El Chipote” and denounced as a torture center. The mothers of these people demanded their release and after several hours of pressure a group of priests could access the building. After a quick negotiation they obtained the promise of the authorities to release 22 young people captured on Monday. They were delivered to the Metropolitan Cathedral of the Nicaraguan capital, but other mothers reported that their children were not on the list, whom they call “disappeared”.

“We demand the immediate release of young people and citizens who are still illegally detained,” the businessmen said in their statement.

The tourism business sector of Nicaragua – one of the pillars of the economy of this country – also declared their stand Tuesday night. This union has been hard hit by the crisis. There are hotels in the colonial cities of Granada and Leon –postcards of this country in front of the world- that do not have guests, others that work at 20 percent of their capacity, while the restaurants reported losses of up to 50 percent.

In its statement, the Chamber of Tourism blamed the government for the violence and urged all its members to participate in a national demonstration to be held on Wednesday, May 30, Mother’s Day in Nicaragua, which would be led by the mothers of those killed by the repression. The demonstration, to which all business chambers, university students, peasants and civil society organizations would join, promised to be gigantic.

“We reiterate our firm and clear position next to the people who fight to achieve justice for the murdered, wounded, tortured, disappeared and illegally detained,” said the businessmen. “Tourism, someday, when peace shines in our homeland, we can recover it, but the lives of more than 90 Nicaraguan brothers, mostly students in the prime of youth, we will never be able to recover them. For that reason and for them we demand justice. ”

The most symptomatic statements of the break with the government came, however, from two of the country’s leading entrepreneurs.

Piero Coen, president of a group of companies with interests in the agribusiness, finance and real estate sector, criticized the government’s fierce repression in an interview with journalist Carlos Fernando Chamorro, director of Confidencial magazine.

Coen advocated a “quick, orderly and peaceful” exit from the crisis and claimed that the corporatist model was “unsustainable.” For Coen the businessmen “we no longer set the tone”. In similar terms, Carlos Pellas, the powerful entrepreneur who leads the Pellas Group, producer of the famous Ron Flor de Caña, said in an interview with the newspaper La Prensa that “the model that brought the country was exhausted” and that is needed “urgently” a change, what happens by advance elections and “deep institutional transformation.”

Ortega had imposed for 10 years an economic model in which decisions were made between him and the business leadership. The president guaranteed the entrepreneurs stability and advantages to do business, while they did not intervene in the political decisions of Ortega and his authoritarian drift. Thus, they allowed the kidnapping of the institutions, the reform of the Constitution so that the Sandinista ex-guerrilla would perpetuate himself in power and develop a dynastic government, with his wife as vice president, and with denunciations of serious violations of human rights and freedom of press.

“Ortega has now been configured the worst scenario. It has the people in the streets, the citizens demand that that he leave power and now it has fallen the model that was one of its pillars, the relationship with capital”, explains to El País, Azahaléa Solís, participant jurist at the table of the National Dialogue that seeks to find a solution to the deep political crisis that the country suffers.

“This scenario is darker for Ortega,” he adds. Solis adds that now there can be no “soft landing”, that is, a long-term solution through an agreement with the OAS, which bet that Ortega would finish his term in 2021.

“That agreement is outdated and anachronistic,” the analyst said. Although it is difficult to predict what will be Ortega’s response to the rupture of the businessmen, a symbolic action by the president shows his weakness: he ordered to build more barricades with huge stones around his house, in the capital El Carmen neighborhood, and increased the perimeter security, with dozens of armed officers in the area.