by Mark Hedin
Ethnic Media Services

The Department of Homeland Security on Sept. 22 announced plans to drastically change the terms under which it bars people it deems likely to depend on government support from entering the country or getting green cards.

The new proposal would expand the factors the government would use in deeming someone a public-charge risk, which are currently limited to those likely to need cash aid, defined as welfare or long-term institutionalized care.

Now, Homeland Security is proposing to also bar those likely to need housing assistance, non-emergency Medicaid, Medicare Part D – help with prescriptions – or nutritional aid such as food stamps, the Immigrant Legal Resource Center (ILRC) lawyer Erin Quinn said in San Francisco.

Word of the pending changes has rocked ahe immigrant community, with many considering quickly disenrolling from benefit programs to protect their green card applications or the prospects of family members who might be applying.

To address these concerns, the ILRC on Sept. 27 hosted a teleconference coordinated by Ethnic Media Services to discuss the proposed changes, who they are most likely to affect and what steps might be prudent ꟷ or imprudent ꟷ to take in anticipation.

Joining Quinn in the hour-long call were Wendy Cervantes of Washington, D.C.’s CLASP (Center for Law and Social Policy), Maria Gonzalez of Boston’s Health Care for All, Karlo Ng, of the National Housing Law Project in San Francisco, and Amanda Lugg of New York’s African Services Committee.

The impact of the proposed rule change would be significant. According to the Migration Policy Institute, 2.3 million of the 4 million legally present noncitizens who arrived during the past five years could be at risk of a public-charge determination ꟷ up from the current 3 percent, ILRC’s Sara Feldman said in opening remarks.

“Immigration laws are very complex. It’s best to think about it on a case-by-case basis,” Quinn said, and urged people to talk to an accredited immigration attorney before dropping any services.
“It’s really important that families get the services they need now and not worry about possible speculative impact about those use of benefits in the future.”

“Even if it’s enacted as written, we expect any changes will be way off in the future,” Quinn said. And even once they’re in place, if they ever are, they’ll be “forward looking,” not retroactive. This means that people will be judged not on what benefits they may have received before the rules changed, but on their needs going forward.

Quinn said that the changes in policy will appear when trying to enter the United States and when applying for a green card.

“Permanent residents looking to naturalize will NOT be affected,” she said.

She recommended the ILRC web site resource “Ready California” (https://ready-california.org/#1) for those concerned about how to prepare for the new regulations.

Amanda Lugg, of the African Services Committee, also urged people to get professional legal advice before making any changes, and repeatedly counseled against taking action based only on the advice of neighbors or other nonprofessional casual acquaintances.

For example, the National Housing Law Project’s Ng, said, there are a variety of distinctions the law will make around the various forms of Section 8 housing vouchers. Those in the name of an immigration applicant’s dependent, for instance, won’t be counted against the applicant.

And some people fitting into certain particular categories, such as crime victims or those seeking to escape domestic violence, would be exempt from the changes.

The proposed rule changes give the administration “enormous discretion” in determining whether someone meets the public charge standard. Negative factors it could apply include being a senior or a juvenile, limited English proficiency, poor health, or having a family income below 250% of the poverty line – $63,000 annually for a family of four, a threshold 40% of U.S.-born people wouldn’t meet, Cervantes said.

“Millions of families would be impacted if this rule is finalized. … In fact, DHS and the rule itself point out that it would lead to increased poverty and worse health outcomes for certain families including U.S. children.”

“The proposed rule would have a detrimental impact on the housing stability of millions of immigrant families,” Ng said. Federal housing programs help immigrant families who are “one step away from homelessness.”

Immigrants with disabilities, chronic health conditions, a medical condition that requires extensive treatment, and no insurance would find those all heavily weighted negative factors according to the proposed new rules.

Fearful of impacting green card hopes, Lugg said her clients already are expressing a reluctance to accept housing vouchers or use anti-retroviral drugs to combat HIV.

The proposed rule changes threaten to reverse years of work and hard-won progress fighting AIDS and create a “backdoor reinstatement” of the “de-facto ban” of HIV-positive individuals that was overcome in 2010, Lugg said.

For the short term, nothing happens until the proposed changes are published in the Federal Register as a NPRM ꟷ notice of proposed rule making, which could happen in the next couple of weeks. Once it does, the public has 60 days to comment.

The Department of Homeland Security is obligated to consider those comments and include responses to those comments in its final wording of the rules. That process alone could take from months to years to finalize, Quinn said.

After that, there’s another 60 days before the rules would take effect.

Lugg said the Protecting Immigrant Families Campaign is hoping to see 100,000 public comments registered on the topic. Those comments must be made in English and should be one per person ꟷ writing something for others to sign onto would only count as one comment – Lugg said, and “you need to tell a story of how you or someone you know would be impacted.”

“We have an opportunity to fight back,” Lugg said, “and we’ll win. When this administration has gone too far, as it has before and as it has with this rule, we’ve seen the American people fight back. We’ve seen it with the travel ban. We’ve seen it with the child separation policy. And now we’ll see it with this public-charge draft rule.”

So, Quinn cautioned about disenrolling from benefits with the assurance that there would be enough time “to give members of our community notice if they need to disenroll from services.”

Netflix will give broad exposure to a Mexican art film but many other Mexican directors will remain unknown

by Deborah Shaw

Alfonso Cuarón has won the Golden Lion at the 2018 Venice International Film Festival for Roma, his most personal film. The win highlights the importance of Mexican filmmakers in a film culture that is usually dominated by Americans.

Cuarón and his colleagues, Guillermo del Toro and Alejandro González Iñárritu – or the “Three Amigos” as they are known – have become popular fixtures at the Venice festival. Jury president del Toro was the winner of the 2017 Golden Lion for The Shape of Water, while Iñárritu’s Birdman opened the festival in 2014 – an honour shared by Cuarón’s Gravity in 2013.

All three have won Oscars for best director at the Academy Awards – and Cuarón is now a serious contender for best director in 2019 for Roma to follow his award for Gravity in 2014.

Roma is a Mexican Spanish and indigenous language (Mixtec), black and white art film. It is a highly personal project by Cuarón that features the point of view of Cleo (Yalitza Aparicio), a domestic servant working for a middle-class family – a character based on the Cuarón’s family servant, Lobi. It is an intimate film of Cuarón’s youth in the hip Mexico City district of Colonia Roma which blends family history with the social and political Mexico of the early 1970s.

Another newsworthy element of Roma’s success is the way in which the story of the film, and its distribution and exhibition, folds into the developing story of Netflix. That Netflix has chosen Cuarón’s semi-autobiographical drama as the flagship production for its new distribution model reveals much about the streaming company and the way it is challenging existing screen culture.

It tells us that Netflix wants to work with the best directors in the world and that it will support high-quality, non-English language productions that are likely to win prestigious awards. It also tells us that Netflix will support a director-led model for films that avoid big stars and special effects – Roma’s protagonist Cleo is played by Yalitza Aparicio, a non-professional actor who is a teacher in real life.

Netflix offers an alternative to traditional models that restrict these art films to a limited festival run and restricted theatrical release with low box-office takings.

Netflix has used Roma to break a deadlock with festivals seen in Netflix’s previous refusal to agree to a theatrical release, and Cannes film festival’s resulting refusal to allow Roma and other Netflix productions to enter into competition if they aren’t slated for theatrical distribution in France. The new Netflix model introduced by Roma enters films in festival competition and agrees to limited theatrical distribution, but also bypasses lengthy delays between cinema and streaming release.

Following Venice, Roma is playing in competition at Telluride, Toronto, London, New York and Copenhagen. It will be followed by an (as yet unspecified) limited theatrical release, and a global release on the streaming site, scheduled for December 1, 2018. Cuarón has highlighted this as a principal attraction of working with Netflix.

Working as his own cinematographer as a result of the lack of availability of his longtime collaborator Emmanuel Lubezki, Cuarón made a film to be seen on the big screen. It has state-of-the-art sound design and was shot on 65mm using the Alexa65 digital camera. This resulted in a “really pristine, almost never-before-seen black and white”, according to David Linde, the film’s producer. But the filmmakers also wanted the film to be seen by a global audience, an ambition that can be realized by its release on the biggest streaming platform in the world.

The high level of backing for a Mexican art film may appear to be a risky move for Netflix, but it follows its approach of support for a certain type of auteurist filmmaker, those who have a track record of excellence and are embraced by both festival and global audiences. These are directors who can be trusted to create high-quality films or series (examples include the Coen brothers, Paul Greengrass, Martin Scorsese, Steven Soderbergh, and Lana and Lily Wachowski).

While Netflix has been celebrated for investing in new and exciting voices and embracing diversity, directors have to jump through many hoops to be rewarded with such a high-profile distribution and exhibition platform.

As a multi award-winning director, Cuarón belongs to a Netflix executive class of director. Cuarón had to achieve stratospheric brilliance with his award-winning Gravity to be given such first-class treatment for a film set in Mexico City. That he has been able to make his most personal film yet is due entirely to his profile and status secured largely in filmmaking outside of his home country (with the exception of his low-budget Y Tu Mamá También). Cuarón has, to his credit, used his privilege to make a Mexican film that has a focus on the sort of working-class character that is severely underrepresented in mainstream cinema.

There is a rich cinematic culture in Mexico – and there are a number of directors deserving of wider international acclaim. These include: Fernando Eimbcke, Amat Escalante, Michel Franco, Maya Goded, Tatiana Huezo, Issa López, María Novaro, Alonso Ruizpalacios, Juan Carlos Rulfo and Carlos Reygadas.

There is much to celebrate in Netflix’s new film production, exhibition and distribution model – and in Roma’s success, particularly in the wider distribution it offers to filmmakers and increased access to films for its subscribers. Nonetheless, this model is still reserved for filmmaking royalty, and the festival, theatrical release and streaming platforms afforded Roma is an exception.

Most high-quality non-English language films will, unfortunately, remain unseen by large audiences.

(Deborah Shaw is a reader in film studies at the University of Portsmouth. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license).

by EFE

The Civic Alliance for Justice and Democracy, said yesterday that the errors of justice during the socio-political crisis in Nicaragua are documented, to bring the Government of Daniel Ortega before international justice.

“All the errors that have been made in the rigged judicial system that exists in Nicaragua are being documented to take them first to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), so that there is a judgment against the Government of Nicaragua for the mistreatment of people, “said the representative of entrepreneurs in the Alliance, Juan Sebastián Chamorro.

Both the Alliance and organizations defending local and international human rights point the Government to the death of between 325 and 528 people, due to acts of repression since the social outbreak last April 18. The Government has admitted 199 victims.

The agencies also affirm that in Nicaragua there are at least 558 “political prisoners” imprisoned after participating in protests against Ortega.

The government is also attributed “extrajudicial executions, torture, obstruction of medical care, arbitrary detentions, kidnappings and sexual violence, among other human rights violations.”

Among the international organizations that have made such statements are the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Acnudh), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH), and Amnesty International (AI).

Ortega denies being responsible for the accusations and maintains that everything is due to an attempted “coup d’état”.

by Beatriz Pascual Macías

The OAS today asked the president of Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega, to “support an electoral calendar” agreed upon in the national dialogue, mediated by the Catholic Church, in a formula that seeks early elections as a way out of the crisis that has left more than 350 dead in three months.

The request for the elections was included in a resolution approved today at an extraordinary session of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS), based in Washington.

The text, promoted by seven countries (Argentina, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru and the US) and supported by Mexico, “urges” the Nicaraguan Executive to “support an electoral calendar agreed together in the context of the National Dialogue process. ”

The Nicaraguan Bishops’ Conference, mediator and witness of said dialogue, requested Ortega to advance the elections on March 7, 2019, on July 7, but on July 7, Ortega rejected it, considering that there would be “time for elections”, as mandated by law. ”

The resolution was approved with the vote in favor of 21 of the 34 countries that are active members of the OAS, while three (Nicaragua, Venezuela and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) voted against and seven abstentions were registered, as well as three absentees, among them Bolivia.

The initiative does not point to Ortega for violence, but urges his government to participate “actively and in good faith” in the national dialogue, in which authorities and the opposition Civic Alliance, which brings together the private sector and society civil.

In the resolution, the OAS expressed its condemnation of the “harassment” of the bishops participating in the dialogue, as well as the “acts of violence” against Caritas offices that were set on fire and against the National Autonomous University of Nicaragua (UNAN, which became the center of the protests.

Hostilities have increased in recent days with attacks such as the UNAN and the one that occurred yesterday against the city of Masaya, which has led to the condemnation of countries such as the United States and organizations such as the European Union (EU).

In response to these criticisms, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Nicaraagua, Denis Moncada, brought to the Permanent Council his own resolution, which called on the international community to respect their “self-determination” and blamed “international terrorist groups” for instigating violence .

That Nicaragua initiative failed with the vote against 20 states, eight abstentions, three absentees and the support of only three countries (Venezuela and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines).

The votes evidenced the solitude of Nicaragua in the OAS, which only obtained the support of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Venezuela and Bolivia, whose mission had proposed some amendments to modify the approved resolution but decided to leave the room abruptly due to disagreements in the procedure.