Sunday, June 21, 2026
Home Blog Page 12

Doubts emerge over Chávez allegations as questions surround Huerta’s account

En la imagen se observa a Dolores Huerta y líderes sindicales encabezando una marcha de trabajadores agrícolas, acompañada por familias y simpatizantes del movimiento por los derechos laborales. In the image, Dolores Huerta and union leaders are seen leading a march of farmworkers, accompanied by families and supporters of the labor rights movement. - Photo by David Bacon.

Reporting and a viral video raise scrutiny over her claims, while additional details about her personal history fuel debate

by Marvin Ramírez

Editor’s Note: This article was updated on April 19, 2026, to include new reporting and commentary, including a widely circulated video that has raised additional questions and scrutiny.

The legacy of two of the most influential figures in the farmworker movement is facing renewed scrutiny, igniting debate across Latino and labor communities. Recent allegations involving César Chávez, along with a pending lawsuit against the Dolores Huerta Foundation, have created what some observers describe as a “dual crisis” surrounding the movement’s historical legacy.

Following 2026 reporting by outlets including The New York Times and NBC Los Angeles, Dolores Huerta said in interviews that abuse by Chávez in the 1960s resulted in two pregnancies that led to the birth of two daughters, who she indicated were raised by other families.

Public biographical records indicate that Huerta has 11 children from her documented family life. When those publicly known children are considered alongside the two daughters she says resulted from her relationship with Chávez, the total number of children associated with her life narrative is described by some as 13, based on that combined accounting.

Chávez, who died in 1993, is unable to respond to the allegations.

For decades, Chávez has been widely revered as a symbol of nonviolent resistance and social justice. As co-founder of the United Farm Workers (UFW), he led boycotts and labor actions that improved conditions for thousands of agricultural workers. His legacy has been commemorated through schools, streets, and public holidays, although this year’s César Chávez Day on March 31 passed with more subdued recognition in some communities.

The allegations have prompted calls in some sectors to reevaluate how Chávez is honored, including discussions about renaming schools or removing public tributes. Others have urged caution, emphasizing the need for thorough historical review before taking such steps.

In recent days, a widely circulated social media video has added a new dimension to the debate. In the video, a commentator says he does not believe the allegations and argues that the account “does not make sense” to him. He says that Huerta claims Chávez pressured her into an intimate relationship in the 1960s, resulting in a child she later gave up for adoption, and then, in a second incident, forced her again, producing another child who was also given up for adoption.

He adds that she did not report the situation at the time, then later married, had two children, divorced, married again and had five more children, divorced again, and later had four additional children with Richard Chavez, brother of César Chávez. “That’s a total of 13 kids,” the speaker says, adding that this raises questions, in his view, about her credibility.

“Do you believe this—that all this happened?” the speaker asks. “What are they up to?”

Adding to the complexity is a separate legal case involving the Dolores Huerta Foundation. According to reporting by the San Fernando Sun, a former employee filed a lawsuit in September 2025 alleging labor violations, retaliation, and wrongful termination. The foundation has denied wrongdoing, stating the case stems from internal organizational matters.

While the lawsuit is unrelated to the allegations against Chávez, the timing of both developments has intensified public scrutiny and fueled discussion among observers and community members.

Reactions within the farmworker and Latino communities have been divided. Supporters of Chávez emphasize his historic contributions and caution against dismantling his legacy based on claims that remain under debate. Others argue that confronting such allegations is consistent with the movement’s commitment to justice and accountability.

Historians note that societies often face complex questions when reassessing influential figures. Rather than erasing history, many advocate for a more nuanced approach that acknowledges both achievements and controversies.

The media’s role remains central in shaping public understanding. Coverage of evolving claims, personal accounts, and public reaction continues to influence how the legacy of Chávez and Huerta is interpreted.

For many, that legacy remains deeply tied to identity, resilience, and social justice. The current controversy does not erase the accomplishments of the farmworker movement, but it does invite reflection on how history is remembered and debated.

As legal proceedings involving the Dolores Huerta Foundation continue and public discussion evolves, community leaders are calling for patience, transparency, and thoughtful dialogue.

Ultimately, the question facing the community is not simply whether to defend or dismantle a legacy, but how to approach history with honesty, balance, and respect for differing perspectives.

 

 

 

spot_img

U.S. hearing on El Salvador’s State of Exception resonates across Latino communities

Audiencia en Congreso de estadounidense analiza régimen de excepción en El Salvador. United States Congress hearing examines El Salvador’s state of exception

by the El Reportero staff

For the first time since El Salvador enacted its sweeping state of exception in March 2022, the policy will be formally examined in Washington, D.C. The Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission has scheduled a hearing for April 16, 2026, to assess the measure’s impact on human rights, public security, and democratic institutions. While centered on El Salvador, the discussion carries broader implications for Latino communities across the United States, including the San Francisco Bay Area.

The state of exception was introduced by President Nayib Bukele as part of a strategy to dismantle powerful gang structures such as MS-13 and Barrio 18, which for decades terrorized communities through violence, extortion, and forced displacement. Since its implementation, the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly has repeatedly extended the measure, allowing the temporary suspension of certain constitutional guarantees to facilitate mass arrests of suspected gang members and collaborators.

According to official figures, more than 80,000 individuals have been detained under the policy. Government authorities credit the initiative with a historic reduction in homicide rates, transforming El Salvador from one of the world’s most dangerous countries into one of the safest in the Western Hemisphere. “For the first time in decades, Salvadorans can live without fear. We have reclaimed our streets and our future,” President Bukele has stated.

For many Salvadorans, both at home and abroad, these developments represent long-awaited justice. In the Bay Area—home to one of the largest Salvadoran diasporas in the United States—community members closely follow these changes. Some express relief that their relatives can now live with greater security. “My family used to pay extortion every month,” said a Salvadoran immigrant in San Francisco. “Now they can run their small business without fear.”

However, the policy has also generated significant controversy. Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Cristosal, have raised concerns about allegations of arbitrary detentions, limited access to legal representation, and prison conditions. These groups argue that while the reduction in violence is undeniable, the long-term sustainability of these gains depends on adherence to the rule of law.

“Security is essential, but it must not come at the expense of fundamental rights,” a representative from Human Rights Watch noted. Critics warn that detaining individuals without sufficient evidence could lead to future legal challenges and potential releases, raising the risk that criminal networks might attempt to reorganize.

Supporters of the government counter that the state has a moral obligation to prioritize the rights of law-abiding citizens who suffered for decades under gang domination. “For years, gangs systematically violated the human rights of innocent people. The government’s actions are a response to that prolonged suffering,” said a regional security analyst. Proponents also argue that the prolonged incarceration of gang leaders weakens their operational and ideological influence.

The debate also carries a political dimension. Government supporters contend that opposition groups, including sectors linked to the former political party Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN), have promoted international denunciations of alleged human rights violations as part of an effort to discredit the administration. From this perspective, such actions risk portraying alleged gang members primarily as victims, potentially overshadowing the suffering of the broader population. Conversely, human rights advocates emphasize that popularity does not exempt a policy from legal scrutiny. “Respect for human rights is not incompatible with security; it is essential to achieving lasting peace,” stated a representative from Cristosal.

For the broader Latino community in the United States, the Salvadoran experience raises important questions about governance, migration, and public safety. Many immigrants in the Bay Area fled violence in Central America, and the transformation in El Salvador influences perceptions about the possibility of return and regional stability. Additionally, U.S. policymakers often consider conditions in migrants’ countries of origin when shaping immigration and foreign policy.

Although the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission does not possess direct legislative authority, its findings can influence U.S. foreign policy and international perceptions. The hearing is expected to bring together testimony from human rights organizations, legal experts, and journalists, offering a comprehensive assessment of the policy’s achievements and challenges.

Ultimately, the examination of El Salvador’s state of exception reflects a broader global debate: how to ensure public security while safeguarding democratic values. For Latino communities in the San Francisco Bay Area and across the United States, the outcome of this discussion is more than a distant political event—it is a matter that touches family ties and hopes for a safer future in the region.

Source: Diario El Mundo, El Salvador.

spot_img

Call 811 before starting any digging project to avoid repair costs averaging $3,500

In 2025, there were more than 1,200 incidents in Northern and Central California where underground utility lines were damaged due to digging.

OAKLAND, California — Every year, during the spring and summer months, many California homeowners and residents turn their attention to yard improvement projects that involve digging. Whether it’s repairing or replacing a fence, planting, landscaping, or installing a new mailbox, April is National Dig Safe Month—a reminder to call 811 before any digging project, large or small, to dig safely and avoid repair bills averaging $3,500.

During 2025, there were more than 1,200 incidents where underground utility lines were damaged due to digging. And all too often, these incidents stem from seemingly small digging projects where homeowners failed to call 811. In fact, in 89 percent of incidents where a homeowner damaged an underground utility line while digging, there was no 811 call. Digging without knowing the location of underground lines is not only dangerous, but it can also cause costly repairs, inconvenient power outages, and require a 911 call. Underground utility lines can be shallow, often just inches below the surface due to erosion, previous digging or landscaping projects, ground shifting or settling, and uneven terrain. Customers should make a toll-free 811 call at least two business days before beginning any digging project, large or small.

“It is mandatory to call 811 before any excavation project, even small projects using hand tools. This simple, free step will help keep you, your family, and your neighbors safe, and prevent costly repairs. Once 811 has been notified, professionals will mark the location of underground lines with paint and/or flags so you know what’s underneath and can dig safely,” said Jeff Janvier, Chief Gas Operations Officer at PG&E.

During the warmer summer months, there will be an increase in the number of excavation projects, and unfortunately, many of these projects are carried out without making a toll-free call to 811 to mark the utilities at the project sites. In fact, a recent national survey by the Common Ground Alliance (CGA) revealed that the most common reason homeowners fail to contact 811 is to assume their project is too shallow to pose a risk—a misconception that continues to endanger people and property. From planting a tree to installing a mailbox or a backyard fence, no excavation project is too small to warrant calling 811.

2024 in numbers:

  • There were 1,247 incidents in Northern and Central California in which homeowners or contractors damaged underground gas or electric lines while digging.
  • In 55 percent of the incidents where an underground utility line was damaged due to digging, there was no 811 call.
    Specifically for homeowners, that percentage rises to 89 percent.
  • The average cost to repair a damaged utility line is $3,500.
  • The main causes of damage to underground utility lines when excavating are: building or repairing a fence, gardening and landscaping, planting a tree or removing a stump, drainage and irrigation work, and building a patio or deck.

Calling 811 is fast and free:

  • Customers should call 811 at least two business days before beginning any project involving excavation, regardless of size. Customers can also visit 811express.com to have utility lines marked for their project site.
  • Professional workers from all utilities (gas, electric, water, sewer, and telecommunications) will be dispatched to mark the location of all underground utility lines at the project site, using either flags, spray paint, or both.
  • The 811 USA North call center, serving Central and Northern California, is staffed 24/7 and offers translation services in Spanish and other languages.
    PG&E Tips for Safe Excavation.

PG&E’s tips for safe digging

  • Mark the project area with white: Identify the excavation zone by outlining the area with white paint, white flags, white chalk, or even flour.
  • Call 811 or submit an online request at least two business days before excavating: Have the project address and general location, project start date, and type of excavation activity ready. PG&E and other utility providers will identify underground utilities in the area free of charge. Requests can be submitted no later than 14 days before the project begins.
  • Excavation safety: Use hand tools if you will be excavating within 24 inches of the outer edge of underground lines. Leave utility flags, stakes, or paint markings in place until the project is complete. Backfill and compact the soil.
  • Be alert for any signs of a natural gas leak: Watch for a “rotten egg” smell, listen for hissing, whistling, or roaring sounds, and watch for dirt being thrown into the air, bubbles forming in a pond or stream, or vegetation dying or beginning to die in a wet area.

About the Common Ground Alliance: The CGA is a member-driven association of nearly 4,000 damage prevention professionals spanning all facets of the underground utilities industry. Established in 2000, the CGA is committed to saving lives and preventing damage to North America’s underground infrastructure by promoting effective damage prevention practices. The CGA has established itself as the leading source of data and information on damage prevention in an effort to reduce damage to underground facilities in North America through shared responsibility among all stakeholders. For more information, visit the CGA website at http://www.commongroundalliance.com.

About PG&E Pacific Gas and Electric Company: A subsidiary of PG&E Corporation (NYSE:PCG), PG&E is a combined natural gas and electric utility serving more than 16 million people across 70,000 square miles in Northern and Central California. For more information, visit pge.com and pge.com/news.

spot_img

Invitation to Bid for the Yerba Buena Island Treasure Island Road Improvement Project (25/26-08)

Fotografía del Departamento de Fotografía de SFMTA
The San Francisco County Transportation Authority (Transportation Authority) will receive sealed construction bids for the TREASURE ISLAND ROAD IMPROVEMENT PROJECT. The Bid Submission Deadline is Tuesday, May 19, 2026, at 2:00 p.m. (PDT). Paper bids will not be acceptable. Electronic bids shall be submitted through https://www.bidexpress.com. All bidders must register on https://www.bidexpress.com and create Digital ID through Bid Express to submit a bid. Contract Documents will be available from https://www.bidexpress.com/solicitations/46499. Any addenda issued for this project will also be available at this website. Bid forms for this work will be found and completed at

A non-mandatory Pre-Bid Meeting for the project will be held electronically on Tuesday, April 28, 2026, at 1:00 p.m. (PDT) at the virtual meeting platform Zoom. Attendees can register by visiting www.sfcta.org/TIRI-prebid.

Bidder inquiries are due Tuesday, May 12, 2026, at 10:00 a.m. (PDT) at the Transportation Authority’s solicitation page at www.bidexpress.com/solicitations/46499, under the section titled “Q&A.”

Bids will be opened electronically and read aloud on Tuesday, May 19, 2026, at 2:00 p.m. (PDT) at the virtual meeting platform Zoom. Attendees can register by visiting
The project consists of reconstruction of Treasure Island Road on Yerba Buena Island, in the City and County of San Francisco. Work includes a new soil nail retaining wall,
demolition of existing crib walls and roadway grading, paving, drainage, signing, pavement delineation, street lighting, and concrete barrier. The Engineer’s cost estimate is approximately $25,900,000. Work shall be completed within 310 working days. A Class A Contractor’s license is required and the successful bidder must pay prevailing wages.
Project funding includes Federal, State and Local sources.
spot_img

Celebrating financial literacy month: San Francisco’s Chase Community Manager shares tips for strengthening financial health

Jenny Baltodano

Sponsored by JPMorganChase

We all have financial needs and goals, whether it’s dreaming of buying a new home, starting a business, or simply feeling more secure about your finances. No matter where you are on your financial journey, it’s never too early – or too late – to get started.

This Financial Literacy Month, Jenny Baltodano, Chase Community Manager in San Francisco, shares ways to help strengthen your financial health journey—this month and all year round.

Q: Which areas should people focus on to improve their financial well-being?
A:  To help strengthen any financial health journey, it’s important to focus on four key areas: earning, protecting, spending and saving. Earning is about understanding your income and how it supports your goals. Protecting your money involves keeping it safe from loss, theft and overspending. Spending wisely helps you stay on top of bills and make progress toward your goals. And saving—no matter how small the amount—sets you up for future needs and opportunities.

Q: If someone wants to strengthen their financial health, what are the first three steps you’d suggest they take?
A: Start by getting clear on your goals. What are you working toward, and why does it matter to you? Next, create a budget so you can see where your money is going and make a plan for saving. Then, review your budget regularly and make adjustments. Every month is different and life changes, but staying flexible and aware of your budget helps keep you on track towards your goals.

Q: Budgeting takes practice, and many people are still finding what works for them. What budgeting framework do you recommend, and how can someone personalize it so it feels manageable?
A: There’s no one-size-fits-all approach, but the key is to find a system you’ll actually use. There are plenty of apps and tools available to help you track of your spending each month and how that compares to the amount of money coming into your home. Once you have an idea of where your money is going, it’s easier to adjust your spending habits so you can save more.

Q: Saving for different goals—like emergencies, retirement or big purchases—can feel overwhelming. How do you help people prioritize and consistently stay on track?

A: I remind everyone that every dollar counts. Even a small amount saved from each paycheck adds up over time. I encourage you to set specific financial goals—such as building an emergency fund or saving up for a large purchase—and set a budget that supports those goals. If you fall short one month, don’t get discouraged. Give yourself grace, adjust as you go, and keep moving forward.

Q: With costs on the rise, what small, sustainable changes have you seen make a big impact?
A: When your budget reflects your priorities, you’re not just managing money—you’re empowering yourself to make confident financial decisions.

Consider automating your savings so it happens without you even thinking about it. Include transfers to savings in your budget, just like you would a bill. This way, you’ll be sure to put money away each month before it gets spent.

Watching your savings grow, no matter the amount, is a powerful way to build financial security and peace of mind.

The bottom line

You can take charge of your financial health by focusing on earning, spending, protecting, and saving money. Strengthening your financial health is a lifelong journey, and every step can help you feel more organized and confident as you work toward your goals. To learn more, stop by your local branch or visit chase.com/financialgoals.

For informational/educational purposes only: Views and strategies described in this article or provided via links may not be appropriate for everyone and are not intended as specific advice/recommendation for any business. Information has been obtained from sources believed to be reliable, but JPMorgan Chase & Co. or its affiliates and/or subsidiaries do not warrant its completeness or accuracy. The material is not intended to provide legal, tax, or financial advice or to indicate the availability or suitability of any JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. product or service. You should carefully consider your needs and objectives before making any decisions and consult the appropriate professional(s). Outlooks and past performance are not guarantees of future results. JPMorgan Chase & Co. and its affiliates are not responsible for, and do not provide or endorse third party products, services, or other content.

Deposit products provided by JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. Member FDIC. Equal Opportunity Lender.

 © 2026 JPMorgan Chase & Co.

-30-

 

spot_img

Premiere of the documentary “The bird of four hundred voices”

Enjoy El Teatro Campesino with your family this April 26. (Courtesy: https://elteatrocampesino.com) -- Este 26 de abril disfruta con tu familia de El Teatro Campesino.

By Magdy Zara

To celebrate Latin voices in film, gastronomy, and culture, the 20th Poppy Jasper International Film Festival presents Mexico and You, featuring the premiere of the documentary “The Bird of Four Hundred Voices,” based on the memoirs of Eugene Rodriguez.

During the festival, the Icon Award will be presented. Described by the festival organizers as one of their highest honors, it recognizes artists whose work, leadership, and influence have had a lasting impact on the industry and creative communities.

Eugene’s autobiographical documentary, “The Bird of Four Hundred Voices,” will be screened at 5 p.m., followed by the presentation of the Festival’s Icon Award. This event will take place on Monday, April 13, 2026, at the Granada Theater in Hollister.

California Business Policy Summit 2026

As in previous years, the California Business Policy Summit will take place in 2026, bringing together legislators, business leaders, and community advocates to discuss the legislative and political landscape shaping California’s economic future.

The California Business Policy Summit (CBPS) is the premier legislative conference dedicated to addressing the needs of California’s small businesses and emerging communities, allowing participants to engage directly with the crucial issues defining the state’s economic future. Attendees connect with legislators, business and community leaders, and key policy figures committed to resolving the state’s major challenges.

The event will be held this Tuesday, April 14, starting at 8:50 a.m., at the Sheraton Grand Hotel, located at 1230 J Street, Sacramento.

Family Day at the Theater 2026

One of the most important events at Campesino Theater is its annual fundraiser, also known as Family Day at the Theater.

On this day, attendees can enjoy outdoor entertainment including: musical and dance performances, a special performance by the young artists of Campamento Teatro, carnival games (with fun prizes), affordable food vendors, and opportunities to learn more about Campesino Theater. All proceeds from food sales, raffles, and suggested donations will go directly to supporting our community and educational programs.

Family Day at the Theater will be held on Sunday, April 26, 2026, starting at noon, at the ETC Playhouse, located at 705 4th St., San Juan Bautista, California.

spot_img

Minimum wage in Latin America in 2026: uneven progress in the region

by the El Reportero wire services

Several Latin American countries began 2026 with increases in the minimum wage as part of their strategies to protect purchasing power, in a context of lower inflationary pressure. However, the differences between economies remain noticeable, both in income levels and in purchasing capacity.

According to an analysis by Bloomberg Línea based on official figures, the highest minimum wages measured in dollars are concentrated in Costa Rica, Uruguay and Chile. These countries reach or come close to 600 dollars per month, positioning themselves as the best paid in terms of basic income in the region.

Costa Rica leads the list with a minimum wage close to 750 dollars for unskilled workers, after an adjustment applied at the beginning of 2026. It is followed by Uruguay, with approximately 648 dollars, and Chile, which is around 597 dollars per month.

At an intermediate level appear economies such as Mexico, with a minimum wage of 533 dollars, and Colombia, with 446 dollars. Both countries applied relevant increases this year, highlighting the Colombian case with one of the highest increases in the region, close to 23.8 percent. Panama also appears among the highest levels, with an average close to 636 dollars, although its system is based on differentiated scales according to sectors and regions, instead of a single national wage.

Other countries are located in middle ranges. Ecuador records a minimum wage of 482 dollars, while Paraguay reaches 428 dollars after its most recent adjustment approved by the government.

Further behind, although with recent increases, are Peru (335 dollars), Bolivia (344 dollars) and Argentina (233 dollars), whose levels remain below 350 dollars per month at the reference exchange rate, reflecting a lower purchasing capacity compared to other economies in the region.

According to the International Labour Organization, the real minimum wage —that is, adjusted for inflation— has shown improvements in most Latin American countries in the last decade, with increases ranging from 10 percent to 60 percent since 2012.

Even so, the organization warns that the effective impact of these incomes depends on structural factors such as labor informality, price evolution and the tax burden. These variables explain why, despite generalized increases, the wage gaps between countries continue to be significant.

spot_img

Mexico’s exports to US up 4.2 percent even as auto sector revenue plunges

General Motors, Ford, and Nissan suffered the largest declines in exports to the United States in early 2026. (Unsplash)--General Motors, Ford y Nissan sufrieron las mayores caídas en las exportaciones a Estados Unidos a principios de 2026.

by Mexico News Daily

The value of Mexico’s auto sector exports to the United States declined 13.4 percent annually in the first two months of 2026, according to U.S. government data, additional evidence that U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs on Mexican-made vehicles are having a significant impact.

The U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis reported on Thursday that Mexico’s exports of motor vehicles and parts to the U.S. in January and February were worth US $23.15 billion, down from $26.74 billion in the same period of last year. Despite the decline, Mexico was the top exporter of auto sector products to the United States in the first two months of the year.

The decline in the value of Mexico’s auto sector exports to the U.S. in early 2026 came after Trump last year imposed 25 percent tariffs on light, medium and heavy vehicles made south of the U.S. border, although U.S. content in those vehicles is exempt from the duty. The U.S. president also imposed tariffs on non-USMCA compliant auto parts, although the vast majority of Mexican-made parts do comply with the three-way trade pact.

The publication of the U.S. data on Mexico’s auto exports to its northern neighbor came six days after the Mexican statistics agency INEGI released its own data on exports during the first two months of the year. INEGI’s data shows that Mexico’s auto exports to all countries around the world were worth $24.98 billion in January and February, down 6.1 percent compared to the same period of last year.

In 2025, Mexico’s overall auto sector exports fell 4.2 percent annually to $185.79 billion. Close to 80 percent of Mexico’s auto exports go to the United States. The Mexican auto sector has been able to partially offset the decline in exports to the United States by increasing the shipment of vehicles and parts to other markets, such as Canada and Germany.

Revenue from export of cars to US falls 27 percent 

U.S. data shows that Mexico’s exports of passenger cars to the United States were worth $5.14 billion in the first two months of 2026, down 27.5 percent from $7.1 billion in the same period of 2025.

Auto sector analyst Cesar Roy told the newspaper El Sol de México that General Motors, Ford and Nissan suffered the biggest declines in exports to the United States in early 2026.

Mexico’s exports of trucks, buses and special purpose vehicles to the U.S. generated revenue of $5.47 billion in January and February, down 18.9 percent from $6.75 billion in the first two months of last year.

The value of Mexico’s auto part exports to the U.S. declined to $12.53 billion in January and February from $12.89 billion a year earlier. In percentage terms, the drop was 2.7 percent.

U.S. data also shows that the United States’ auto sector exports to Mexico declined 10 percent annually to $5.96 billion in the first two months of 2026.

Two-way auto-sector trade was worth $29.12 billion in January and February, down 12.7 percent from $33.37 billion a year earlier.

Mexico’s overall exports to US increase 4.2 percent in first 2 months of 2026

Despite the 13.4 percent annual decrease in the value of auto sector exports to the U.S., Mexico’s overall revenue from goods shipped to its northern neighbor in January and February increased 4.2 percent annually to $86.82 billion, according to U.S. data.

Meanwhile, the United States’ exports to Mexico were worth $60.49 billion in the first two months of the year, a 10.6 percent increase compared to the same period of 2025.

Two-way trade between the North American neighbors grew 6.2 percent annually to $147.32 billion in the period.

In the first two months of the year, Mexico maintained its position as the United States’ top trade partner. Its share of the U.S. market for imports increased to 16.9 percent from 13.8 percent a year earlier. Mexico’s outlay on imports from the U.S. accounted for 15.9 percent of the United States’ total export revenue in the first two months of 2026, down from 16.5 percent a year earlier.

With reports from El Sol de México and El Economista

spot_img

36 years of El Reportero: a life dedicated to independent journalism

Marvin Ramírez
José Santos y su hijo Marvin Ramírez

by Marvin Ramírez

Last April 1, El Reportero marked 36 years of continuous publication. Thirty-six years of constant effort, commitment to the community, and a quiet struggle to maintain an independent newspaper in the Bay Area.

This project began in college, without resources or business structure. There was only the idea of practicing journalism and the desire to inform. In those early days, I didn’t even know how to direct other reporters. Students would come with interest in participating, but I didn’t know what instructions to give them. It was a professor, Raúl Ramírez, who taught me something fundamental: I had to clearly tell them what to do.

Since then, everything has been a learning process. Mistakes were part of the journey, but time and experience taught me how to sustain the newspaper. It was not only about writing, but also about managing, selling advertising, and protecting editorial integrity.

That has been the greatest challenge: maintaining independence.

In traditional journalism, there is a clear line between the newsroom and advertising. However, when one person assumes both roles, that line becomes a daily battle. Many times, economic pressures, offers, or attempts to influence content arise. Remaining firm in the face of those situations has been a constant decision over these 36 years.

It has not been an easy path. There have been moments without sufficient resources, moments of uncertainty, and personal difficulties. But a way to continue was always found. Like someone riding a bicycle avoiding obstacles along the road, that has been this journey.

Unlike many large newspapers whose owners have capital and investors, El Reportero has been sustained by a journalist. For years, I have taken on multiple roles: editor, administrator, salesperson, and strategist. Despite that, every week a new edition has been published.

That effort is what defines this newspaper.
There have also been attempts to expand. At one point, El Reportero TV was developed, with equipment and infrastructure available. However, the lack of resources to operate that project limited its continuity. In the past, it was more common to have students and interns supporting the work. Today, that reality has changed.

Even so, the projects continue.

With time, an inevitable question arises: who will continue this work in the future? It is a real concern, but also a motivation to keep strengthening what has been built.

El Reportero has become an institution.

Its value goes beyond information. It represents a community, its language, and its culture. A community without a newspaper is a community without a voice. On the other hand, when there is a publication that represents it, there is identity and respect.

Today, digital tools, social media, and artificial intelligence offer new opportunities to grow and compete in an increasingly demanding environment.

I want to thank all the people who have followed this newspaper over the years. Much of that support is silent, but meaningful. I also thank the companies and organizations that have contributed to sustaining this effort.

Thirty-six years later, El Reportero continues forward with the same purpose: to inform independently, serve the community, and keep a necessary voice alive.

And in closing, I remember that this calling did not begin with me. My grandfather published his magazine in 1926, called El Field, where he proposed fencing baseball fields and charging admission; that idea contributed to the development of the first professional baseball league in Nicaragua, according to records from La Prensa, where the Boer team faced the U.S. Marines who at that time were occupying Nicaragua.

My father, José Santos Ramírez, for his part, began in journalism as a child with a toy printing press. Before traveling to the United States, he was already working at La Noticia, a daily newspaper in Nicaragua. At the same time, he had also started his own biweekly newspaper, El Nuevo Demócrata.

In 1945, he emigrated to the United States. Here, he held other jobs to support himself, but continued his vocation, printing and selling his newspaper on Market Street in San Francisco for 10 cents. After several years, he returned to Nicaragua and resumed his work at La Noticia, where over time he completed 45 years at La Noticia, which was considered a third path where many people went in search of the truth.

My father passed away on June 12, 2004, in the city of San Leandro, California, a victim of kidney cancer.

From that, I inherited the spirit: to say what must be said and sustain it through work. That is the legacy that continues today in El Reportero.

 

 

spot_img

Two Republicans are fighting for California governor. Why a tie is their best strategy

From left to right, Republican candidates Chad Bianco and Steve Hilton participate in the Western Growers California gubernatorial candidates forum at Fresno State on April 1, 2026. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters. -- De izquierda a derecha, los candidatos republicanos Chad Bianco y Steve Hilton participan en el foro de candidatos a la gobernación de California de Western Growers en Fresno State, el 1 de abril de 2026.

Steve Hilton and Chad Bianco need to split the vote nearly evenly to lock Democrats out of the race. Their strategy? Attack each other relentlessly

by Jeanne Kuang

CalMatters

With so many candidates running for governor, it’s hard to keep up. We’re here to help: Sign up for our 2026 election newsletter to get the latest on the candidates.

California Republicans have an unusual shot of claiming an upset victory in the governor’s race this year — but to win, neither of their candidates can get too far ahead of the other just yet.

With eight major Democratic candidates splitting the liberal vote, both Republican candidates, former Fox News host Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, could come in first and second in the June 2 primary and move on to the November ballot.

That would shut out Democratic general election candidates, an extraordinary event that pollsters and strategists of both parties agree is the only viable chance for a Republican to become governor. Registered Democrats outnumber Republicans nearly two-to-one in California and the GOP hasn’t won a statewide race in two decades.

Both Republicans can only advance to November if they split the Republican vote essentially evenly, giving each enough to surpass their Democratic opponents. That’s thanks to California’s top-two primary system, in which the two candidates with the most votes advance to the general election regardless of their party.

Democrats insist it won’t happen, though they face mounting pressure over the risk in a year when the party is hoping to turn out liberal voters for U.S. House races in November.

And neither Republican is strategizing to shut the Democrats out. Instead of trying to keep the other alive through the primary, Hilton and Bianco are running campaigns like any other candidate: seeking to defeat each other. Hilton has spent the past few months attempting to consolidate Republican support by attacking Bianco, who has been happy to return the ire.

“There’s an amazing irony there, that they need to beat each other but they both need to succeed at the same time,” GOP strategist Rob Stutzman said. “It cuts against human nature and cuts against the way you put together campaigns.”

An intra-Republican primary

Despite very different backgrounds, Hilton and Bianco are running on similar policies.

Hilton is a British political strategist who’s written extensively about populism, reducing bureaucracy and decentralizing power, and Bianco is a bombastic local sheriff who is pushing the boundaries of police authority over elections.

Both are pushing a deregulation agenda, railing against Democratic-backed environmental policies they blame for raising the state’s cost of living. Their targets include the landmark California Environmental Quality Act, which requires environmental reviews for new construction.

Both Republicans also want to reverse prison closures, boost oil production to lower gas prices and reduce or eliminate the 61-cents-a-gallon gas tax.

Hilton wants to shield the first $100,000 of earnings from the state income tax (a goal Democrat Katie Porter shares) and significantly lower taxes on higher earners by cutting 18% of the state budget, including areas he claims are fraudulent or wasteful such as using cannabis tax revenue to support substance abuse programs. Bianco also wants to cut, and bring in oil revenues to eliminate the income tax entirely.

Hilton, one of the race’s top fundraisers, has raised more than $6.6 million so far, exceeding Bianco’s haul by more than $2 million. The two are second and third to Democratic former Rep. Katie Porter in the total number of campaign donors — one measure of popular support.

Polls show they remain neck-and-neck at or near the top of the pack, with one survey released last week by the California Democratic Party showing Hilton and Bianco statistically tied with 16% and 14%, respectively. To be competitive, they each need to win over independent and undecided voters, some of whom lean Republican and most of whom are fixated on the state’s cost of living crisis. The California Republican Party is slated to take an endorsement vote at its convention next weekend.

Each has tried to outrank the other on conservative credentials.

Hilton has attacked Bianco for having “too much baggage” related to liberal causes, pointing to a video showing the sheriff kneeling during the 2020 Black Lives Matters protests, as many police officers did then to de-escalate crowds, and later describing his actions as praying. Under Trump, the FBI this year fired several agents who had done the same.

“It’s a question of character and honesty and judgment,” Hilton said in an interview.

Bianco pointed to the two Republicans’ continued tie in the polls as proof Hilton can’t carry the party. He’s called Hilton, who worked for the conservative U.K. Prime Minister David Cameron, “a fraud amongst Republicans” in part because a political crowdfunding startup Hilton co-founded in 2013, Crowdpac, later rebranded to exclusively support Democrats.

And each has aimed to align himself with Trump without saying the president’s name directly. While both are vocal fans of the president, nearly three-quarters of California voters disapprove of him, and Democratic voters in particular are motivated this year to vote against the president’s agenda. Hilton and Bianco have both blasted Democrats for linking the gubernatorial race to Trump.

Hilton, who once called for an audit into Trump’s loss in the 2020 election, is promoting “CalDOGE,” a program to look into reports of fraud and waste in California government. It’s a nod to Trump and Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency that slashed federal spending and employment last year. So far, as part of the project, Hilton has held press conferences criticizing state grants to nonprofits with advocacy wings that support liberal causes, like stricter environmental laws and holding voter registration drives; he’s vowed to cut them as governor.

Bianco, who endorsed Trump’s 2024 re-election by saying America should “put a felon in the White House,” told KTLA last fall if he had the president’s support he’d downplay it on the campaign trail. Asked last week if he’s seeking the president’s approval, he said he instead wants “the endorsement of every single person in this country.”

“You have an entire Democrat field trying to label me as Donald Trump, and the reason why is because they have absolutely nothing to run on,” he said in an interview.

He has embarked on an unprecedented effort in Riverside County to recount ballots from last year’s special election based on what local elections officials say is inaccurate and flawed raw ballot data, a move that mirrors the Trump administration’s seizure of 2020 ballots in Georgia. But Bianco has insisted it’s not political. The investigation, he said this week, is on hold amid legal challenges.

Who is Bianco?

The ballot seizure is one of the many ways Bianco has courted controversy as county sheriff, a seat to which he was first elected in 2018 with hefty campaign contributions from the union that represents sheriff’s deputies.

The three-decade law enforcement officer and one-time member of the far-right militia group Oath Keepers gained attention in 2020 for fighting state orders to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, refusing to enforce masking or stay-at-home rules or to mandate vaccination for deputies. He also opposes school vaccination laws.

He’s often criticized the state’s sanctuary law that limits police cooperation with federal immigration agents, simultaneously insisting he’ll do everything he legally can to help immigration agents but clarifying to Riverside County residents that deputies do not enforce immigration laws and take reports of crimes from anyone. He’s presided over a spike in deaths in county jails that he’s attributed to fentanyl and suicides, though the state attorney general’s office has opened an investigation.

He has ties to an evangelical pastor in Temecula who helps elect Christian conservatives and is pushing to increase the influence of Christianity in government.

His pitch to voters is that he’s an outsider — and he’s prone to using hyperbole to prove it, calling environmental activists who sue to stop development “terrorists,” promising to “completely destroy special interests” and saying if elected he’d “take a nuclear bomb” to the decisions made in California government.

He’s running, he said, to offer a change from the “crime and corruption” he says has defined state politics and claims he’s the only candidate with strong executive experience (though several Democratic opponents have led state or federal agencies, or major cities.)

He’s endorsed by several law enforcement groups, some of which have also jointly endorsed a Democrat, and funded by campaign contributions from dozens of officers and police chiefs, various business owners and the powerful Peace Office Research Association of California, a special interest with outsize influence at the Capitol. The law enforcement association extends to his title as Riverside sheriff on the ballot, which will give him an edge over Hilton, GOP strategists say.

“Every other person in this race is nothing but a career politician,” he said. “We’re over career politicians, millionaires, billionaires, bright, shiny objects and career politicians and strategists. California is sick of that.”

Who is Hilton?

Hilton, meanwhile, is making lofty promises like $3-a-gallon gas and halving electricity bills, and says he has experience from London to achieve such cuts.

The son of Hungarian immigrants to Britain, Hilton got his start in the Conservative Party there before moving to the private sector and returning to politics as Cameron’s director of strategy from 2010 to 2012.

The British press noted Hilton’s penchant for casual dress and credited him as the ideological force pushing the party to loosen workplace regulations, cut welfare, shrink the size of government, lower taxes and withdraw from the European Union. Hilton was disillusioned with Cameron’s progress, the Washington Post reported, when he left his team after two years to join his wife, tech executive Rachel Whetstone, in California and take a sabbatical at Stanford. The couple still maintain several properties in central London.

“The government has lost its ultimate radical,” The Economist declared of his departure from 10 Downing Street in 2012. “In his visceral disdain for the state, reverence for local communities and commitment to enterprise, he might be the most deeply conservative figure at the very top of this government.”

He founded Crowdpac in 2013 with two partners, a Stanford professor and a Google executive, with the stated goal of getting more people engaged in politics by using software to match their views with candidates they could support financially. The platform, he highlighted at the time, was used by a Black Lives Matter leader to crowdfund a run for Baltimore mayor and by anti-Trump Republicans hoping for a Paul Ryan presidential run. In 2015, he wrote a column in the Guardian supporting a higher minimum wage in Britain and walking back his own prior campaigns against one.

Years later, Hilton left the platform when Crowdpac, having mostly been used by Democrats, stopped helping Republican candidates in what executives called “a stand against Trumpism.” It later shut down and relaunched again as a Democrats-only platform. By then, Hilton had already endorsed Trump for president in 2016 and landed a weekly Fox News show, which ran from 2017 to 2023. He’s now returned fully to his conservative roots, pushing to “massively reduce spending” and regulation the same way he did in the U.K.

“I have a very clear message of change that’s practical and positive and not ideological,” he told CalMatters.

Hilton has raised the third most in the race, behind Democrats Tom Steyer, a self-funding billionaire, and San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, who has pulled in millions of dollars primarily from Silicon Valley. Hilton has put $200,000 of his own money into his campaign, and counts among his supporters Uber, Fox Corp. mogul Rupert Murdoch and tech executives who have also supported Democrats: Google founder Sergey Brin and Ripple executive Chris Larsen.

Will Democrats really be shut out of the race?

Experts say a Democratic shutout is unlikely, unless the field remains entrenched.

“It depends upon those two Republican candidates who are splitting the Republican vote fairly evenly right now, doing that, and then having more than a half a dozen Democrats with no one that is a leading favorite, which is what we’ve seen so far,” said Mark Baldassare, director of polling at the Public Policy Institute of California. “But one thing I would say is it’s still early.”

Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks has also used that reasoning. He has started an incremental public pressure campaign to prompt lower-polling Democratic candidates to drop out, but the candidates have resisted so far.

Hilton, too, dismissed analyses that both Republicans must advance for either to have a shot of winning the seat, calling it a hypothetical exercise from GOP strategists.

“They don’t know what they’re talking about, I mean these are the kinds of people who have been losing for 20 years,” he said. “The idea that the Democratic Party is just going to concede California is obviously ridiculous. … It’s going to be a Republican against a Democrat.”

Bianco said he’s running against Hilton, whom he called a “career strategist,” as much as any of the Democrats. He said he hasn’t thought too much about who his opponent would be in a general election.

“It really doesn’t bother me,” he said. “I’m not doing this for Republicans. I’m not doing it for Democrats, independents, anything like that.”

 

spot_img
1...111213...711Page 12 of 711

SELECTIONS

POPULAR TICKETS

POPULAR CATEGORY

ABOUT US

Welcome to our Marvin J. Ramirez website! We are an innovative newspaper located in the heart of San Francisco. With a relentless passion for telling powerful stories, we inform our community with truthful news, insightful analysis, and compelling reporting.

Contacto: lreportero@aol.com

FOLLOW US

© Copyright 2023. AMAYCOM.NET. All rights reserved.